Colossal Biosciences said it cloned red wolves. Is it for real?

If you want to capture something wolflike, it’s best to embark before dawn.

So on a morning this January, with the eastern horizon still pink-hued, I drove with two young scientists into a blanket of fog. Forty miles to the west, the industrial sprawl of Houston spawned a golden glow. Tanner Broussard’s old Toyota Tacoma bumped over the levee-top roads as killdeer, flushed from their rest, flew across the beams of his headlights. 

Broussard peered into the darkness, looking for traps. “I have one over here,” he said, slowing slightly. A master’s student at McNeese State University, he was quiet and contemplative, his bearded face half-hidden under a black ball cap. “Nothing on it,” he said, blandly. The truck rolled on.

Wolves and their relations—dogs, jackals, coyotes, and so on—are classed in the family Canidae, and the canid that dominated this landscape in eastern Texas was once the red wolf. But as soon as white settlers arrived on the continent, Canis rufus found itself under siege. The war on wolves “lasted 200 years,” federal researchers once put it, in a surprisingly evocative report. “The wolf lost.” By 1980, the red wolf was declared extinct in the wild, its population reduced to a small captive breeding population.

Still, for decades afterward, people noted that strange wolflike creatures persisted along the Gulf Coast. Finally, in 2018, scientists confirmed that some local coyotes were more than coyotes: They were taller, long-legged, their coats shaded with hints of cinnamon. These animals contained relict red wolf genes. They became known as the ghost wolves.

Broussard grew up in southwest Louisiana, watching coyotes trot across his parents’ ranch. The thrilling fact that these might have been not just coyotes but something more? That reset a rambling academic career. In 2023, Broussard had recently returned to college after a seven-year pause, and his budding obsession with wolves narrowed his focus. Before he finished his bachelor’s degree, he began to supply field data to a prominent conservation nonprofit.

a wolf pup chews on a terrycloth toy
The American red wolf, Canis rufus, is the most endangered wolf species in the world. This pup is one of four animals said to be clones of this native North American species.
COURTESY OF COLOSSAL BIOSCIENCES

Then, last year, just before he began his master’s studies, he woke to disconcerting news. A startup called Colossal Biosciences claimed to have resuscitated the dire wolf, a large canid that went extinct more than 10,000 years ago. Pundits debated the utility of the project and whether the clones—technically, gray wolves with some genetic tweaks—could really be called dire wolves. But what mattered to Broussard was Colossal’s simultaneous announcement that it had cloned four red wolves.  

“That surprised pretty much everybody in the wolf community,” Broussard said as we toured the wildlife refuge where he’d set his traps. The Association of Zoos and Aquariums runs a program that sustains red wolves through captive breeding; its leadership had no idea a cloning project was underway. Nor did ecologist Joey Hinton, one of Broussard’s advisors, who had trapped the canids Colossal used to source the DNA for its clones. Some of Hinton’s former partners were collaborating with the company, but he didn’t know that clones were on the table.

There was already disagreement among scientists about the entire idea of de-extinction. Now Colossal had made these mystery clones, whose location was kept secret. Even the purpose of the clones was murky to some scientists; just how they might restore red wolf populations was unclear. 

Red wolves had always been a contentious species, hard for scientists to pin down. The red wolf research community was already marked by the inevitable interpersonal tensions of a small and passionate group. Now Colossal’s clones became one more lightning rod. Perhaps the most curious question, though, was whether the company had cloned red wolves at all. 


You can think of the red wolf as the wolf of the East—an apex predator that once roamed the forests and grasslands and marshes everywhere from Texas to Illinois to New York. Smaller than a gray wolf (though a good bit larger than a coyote), this was a sleek beast, with, according to one old field guide, a “cunning fox-like appearance”: long body, long legs; clearly built to run across long distances. Its coat was smooth and flat and came in many colors: a reddish tone that comes out in the right light, yes, but also, despite the name, white and gray and, in certain regions and populations, an ominous all black.

We know these details thanks to a few notes from early naturalists. As writer Andrew Moore writes in his new book, The Beasts of the East, by the time a mammalogist decided to class these eastern wolves as a standalone species in the 1930s, the red wolf had been extirpated from the East Coast and was rapidly dwindling across its range. Working with remnant skulls and other specimens, the mammalogist chose the name red wolf—which was later enshrined with the Latinate Canis rufus—because that’s what these wolves were called in the last place they survived. 

The looming extinction of the red wolf turned out to be a good thing for coyotes. Canis latrans is a distant relative of wolves that split away from a common ancestor thousands of years ago and might be considered, as one canid biologist put it to me, the “wolf of the Anthropocene.” Their smaller size means they need less food and can survive in smaller and more fragmented territory, the kind that modern humans tend to build. 

The last red wolves, which lived in Louisiana and Texas, decided a strange and smaller mate was preferable to no mate at all.

Red wolves had kept coyotes out of eastern America, outcompeting them for prey. Now, as the wolves declined, the coyotes began to slip in. The last red wolves, which lived in Louisiana and Texas, decided a strange and smaller mate was preferable to no mate at all. Soon the territory became a genetic jumble, home to both wolves and coyotes and hybrids that, after several generations of intermixing, came in every shade between. Scientists call such a population a “hybrid swarm,” and it poses a genetic threat to the declining species: As more coyotes poured east, and as all the canids kept interbreeding, there would be nothing that was “purely” wolf. 

Ron Wooten surveys a location on the edge of Galveston Island State Park in Texas. In 2016, Wooten’s photographs of oversized local coyotes got the attention of Joey Hinton, then a postdoctoral researcher at the University of Georgia.
TRISTAN SPINSKI

For years, no one seemed to notice. Perhaps trappers in the region mistook the new hybrids for wolves—or were happy to take the higher bounty that a wolf pelt earned. Finally, though, by the 1960s, as the concept of endangered species first emerged, biologists began to worry for the disappearing wolf. 

The best solution they could come up with was a program of mass extermination. Over several years, trappers rounded up hundreds of canids in Texas and Louisiana. Those deemed true red wolves (on the basis of their howls and skull shape) were whisked away to breed in captivity. Most of the rest were euthanized. In 1980, the red wolf was declared extinct in the wild. To put it plainly: The red wolf was wiped out intentionally, in a roundabout effort to keep it alive.

Just 14 individuals survived this gauntlet; today’s wolves descend from 12 of those. They became the ark, the source material for the few hundred red wolves that live today. There are about 280 in the “Species Survival Plan” population, living in captivity, and another 30 or so that roam a federal refuge in coastal North Carolina, and that the government deems “nonessential” and “experimental.” According to the US Fish and Wildlife Service, to be classified as a representative of the protected entity known as Canis rufus, an animal must trace at least 87.5% of its lineage to the 12 founders. 

The scientist who led this trapping-and-breeding program understood that the federal government would be narrowing the red wolf’s gene pool precipitously—so much so that the result could be an entirely new species. None of those notably black wolves persisted in the new population, for example. But what other choice existed? A new kind of wolf, free of the taint of the invading coyote, seemed better than no wolf at all.


After I learned about Colossal’s clones, I decided to travel to eastern Texas. The clones were hidden away on an unnamed refuge, but on this coastline, I might be able to at least see the animals that provided their genetic material. I arrived in the small town of Winnie on a balmy afternoon in January and met up with Broussard and another graduate student, Patrick Cunningham, at a Tex-Mex joint to discuss the challenges of studying red wolves.

“We don’t have a good reference genome,” Cunningham said. We can collect DNA from the descendants of the 12 founders, but not from the countless wolves that had been killed. It’s difficult to extract usable DNA from old samples. So our picture of what the species used to look like is limited. 

Studies of the genes we do have, meanwhile, have proved controversial. When a Princeton geneticist named Bridgett vonHoldt dug into the genome of the Species Survival Plan population, she found little about their DNA that could set them apart from other wolflike American canids. In 2016, in a paper in Science Advances, vonHoldt and her coauthors wondered if there ever really was a separate southern wolf species. Perhaps the 12 founders were just coyotes injected with some smaller portion of wolf.

It’s long been clear that North America’s soup of Canis genes is something less like a family tree and more like a river—one that’s broken by islands and sandbars into many braided channels that split and merge and re-split.

Her paper called for complex new interpretations of the Endangered Species Act. We should, she wrote, focus less on species and more on the function a group of animals performs. The red wolves deserved protection, then, as creatures that filled the same role as truly endangered wolves and carried some of their genetics. Nonetheless, for Canis rufus, the timing of the paper was bad news.

The red wolves roaming that federal reserve in North Carolina are supposed to be a first step toward the species’ return to the wild. But some locals never liked the idea of living alongside wolves. By 2016, state officials had turned against the recovery program and were requesting its termination. The wild population, which had included as many as 120 a few years earlier, was falling. But the US Fish and Wildlife Service had paused further releases of wolves. Now a group of scientists, led by vonHoldt, was saying that the red wolf showed “a lack of unique ancestry.” Why spend money, some people wondered, on a species that does not exist? 

Part of the problem was that the concept of a “species” is less sturdy than your high school biology teacher might have led you to believe. The most familiar definition is that a species consists of animals that can produce fertile offspring. But that’s a rule various species of canids violate all the time; it’s long been clear that North America’s soup of Canis genes is something less like a family tree and more like a river—one that’s broken by islands and sandbars into many braided channels that split and merge and re-split.

VonHoldt suggested that the modern red wolf is a channel in that river, part wolf and part coyote, that appeared surprisingly recently. But a year after her study came out, other researchers claimed that her data, if interpreted differently, could suggest that the red wolf braid had emerged tens of thousands of years ago, meaning this was a species that had long been on its own evolutionary journey. 

These nuances were confusing for the policymakers who oversaw actual, living animals. “Congress was just like, ‘What is going on?’” Cunningham said. “‘Why is there not just a simple explanation for what this thing is?’”

Given the policy implications, the National Academies of Science, Engineering, and Medicine tasked a panel of scientists with finding that simple answer. Their report, published in 2019, declared that the red wolf is, by virtue of its appearance and seemingly long-standing isolated population, a species. As their study got underway, though, a new question was arising: What to make of the strange canids on the Gulf Coast, those today called the ghost wolves?


The path to that name began in 2008, when a photographer from Galveston Island, Texas, grew obsessed with the oversized local coyotes. He began to take photos of the packs, which he distributed to scientists, seeking answers: What were they? By 2016, the photos had reached Joey Hinton, then a postdoctoral researcher at the University of Georgia.

Hinton had spent more than a decade trapping wolves and coyotes in North Carolina, and his work has always focused on live animals, especially visual ways to distinguish red wolves and coyotes. So he was a good choice for helping the photographer, Ron Wooten, figure out the status of the canids. In his freezer Wooten also had tissue samples he’d collected from road-killed coyotes. These could be used by a geneticist to give a fuller picture of the canids’ ancestry. So vonHoldt was brought in too. The result was a 2018 paper, with Hinton as a coauthor, that identified the Galveston Island canids as at least part red wolf.

These canids were not, to be clear, actual red wolves; no canid on the Gulf Coast is descended from the government’s 12 canonical founders, so under current policy, none can be officially classified as a wolf. Subsequent studies have found that, on average, the ancestry of the region’s canids is less than half red wolf, and often far less. In scientific terms, the red wolf had introgressed into the Gulf Coast population—its genes had leaked across the species boundary and lodged themselves in a different population.

Hinton, vonHoldt, and their coauthors also noted the presence of what they called “ghost alleles”—DNA sequences unknown in any other named species. The Occam’s razor assumption was that, in these already wolfy coyotes, these sequences likely represented Canis rufus genetics that had not been captured in the sweep of the marsh that yielded the Species Survival Plan population. Since so much of the red wolf gene pool had been lost, these genes seemed to be a potential resource for the species—a way to expand its diversity. When the New York Times covered this discovery a few years later, the headline popularized the “ghost wolf” moniker that has proved so indelible. 

As it happened, a separate team, focused on canids in and around federally protected marsh in Louisiana, published a similar paper in 2018, at nearly the same time. The twin discoveries raised new questions—What should we make of these creatures, the latest branch in the canid river? What do they mean for the wolves in North Carolina?—and helped researchers secure new funding.

In 2020, vonHoldt and Kristin Brzeski, a former postdoc under vonHoldt and now a professor at Michigan Technological University, launched what they called the Gulf Coast Canine Project. Brzeski, who led the field work, hired Hinton to do much of the canid trapping and sample collection. In 2022, vonHoldt, Hinton, and Brzeski were all coauthors of another paper that identified even more red-wolf-descended canids in Louisiana and noted a positive correlation between red wolf ancestry and body mass—the more red wolf genes, the bigger the animal. The paper also suggested that given this newly discovered reservoir of red wolf DNA, “genomic technologies” could prove useful in the long-term survival of the species.

Bridgett vonHoldt (left) and Kristin Brzeski (center) visit a location where canids have been spotted with an animal control worker.
TRISTAN SPINSKI

VonHoldt and Brzeski eventually conceived of an ambitious project. They hoped that by carefully matching the most wolf-­descended canids and breeding them together, over three generations they’d increase the proportion of red wolf genes—de-introgression. “I’m expecting, based on these pairings of animals, that I can stitch together the puzzle pieces,” vonHoldt told me recently. “We are very likely to get puppies each generation that are higher and higher red wolf content”—enough wolf content, she hopes, to eventually win her permission to breed the resulting animals with the Species Survival Plan population of red wolves. They’d essentially be adding a new founder to the limited lineage.

Hinton told me he felt he’d been kept in the dark about the de-introgression idea. He was also worried, he says, to learn that Colossal Biosciences hovered in the background. (In a draft proposal for the project, vonHoldt indicated that Colossal would be in charge of “live capture.”) Hinton says he was not comfortable collecting materials for a for-profit company that has to keep its shareholders happy. 

Hinton says he reached out to state and federal officials and found they knew little about the project. (The US Fish and Wildlife Service declined to make anyone available for an interview for this story, and the Louisiana Department of Wildlife and Fisheries did not reply to requests for comment.) He knew the group’s next phone call would be difficult, and indeed it was. He wound up speaking one-on-one with vonHoldt for at least half an hour.

“We didn’t reach an agreement,” he says. After the call, he sent her a text: He was exiting the project. He believes that had Colossal not been involved, they’d all still be working as a team. Both vonHoldt and Brzeski declined to comment on what felt to them like a matter of interpersonal relationships rather than a scientific dispute. “There were challenges over time, and the tone and manner of the interactions became increasingly difficult to navigate productively,” Brzeski said in an email. 


Colossal was cofounded in 2021 by George Church, an eminent Harvard geneticist who, thanks to investors, could finally embark on a long-discussed dream. He wanted to make de-extinction a reality—using CRISPR gene-editing technology to, say, turn a modern elephant into something like the extinct woolly mammoth. The concept has drawn skepticism from the beginning—at best it would only be possible to make something like a woolly mammoth. Was there any point to that? Some scientists note that genes alone do not teach an animal how to exist in the world; indeed, since social structures affect how genes are expressed, an animal without parents may not effectively fill its ecological niche.

Less reproachable, though, was Colossal’s interest in partnering with scientists who, like vonHoldt and Brzeski, focus on extant species that are endangered. This gave more heft to Colossal’s gee-whiz de-extinction projects: They would, along the way, supply technology that could save our natural world.

For red wolves, such technologies could offer a quick way to expand the limited gene pool. Through genetic engineering, Colossal could take clones of the Gulf Coast canids and tune up the wolf, tune down the coyote. It would be a high-tech shortcut past vonHoldt and Brzeski’s careful breeding program. “You can do the same thing much more precisely, much more quickly, much more efficiently, in vitro,” says Matt James, Colossal’s chief animal officer and the executive director of the Colossal Foundation, the company’s nonprofit arm. VonHoldt notes that the old-fashioned approach, with breeding, means she has to take a few individual canids out of the wild, into captivity—never ideal but, in her view, a worthwhile price for progress. The advantage of cloning, which Colossal has managed to do with blood samples alone, is that the wild canid populations can be kept intact. 

VonHoldt has always been an advocate for wolves. Indeed, when she hypothesized that the red wolf had hybrid origins, in 2016, she’d framed it as an argument for protecting the gray wolf, which the federal government was considering removing from the Endangered Species List. (In short: If all wolves were one wolf, then it was undeniable that the species’ range had contracted precipitously.) But she’d grown frustrated with the federal government’s efforts to restore the red wolf, which after half a century had seen few meaningful successes, she says. 

VonHoldt joined Colossal’s scientific advisory board in 2023. “I love the bold, the shock and awe,” she told me, explaining her decision. She saw the fact that Colossal sparked controversy as an asset, given the problems she sees in conservation: “Get something out there. Start pushing buttons and start forcing these conversations,” she says. The red wolf was akin to a terminal patient who was ready to accept any and all therapies, however experimental. Why not embrace biotech? 

She also notes that the federal budget for endangered species conservation is incredibly limited. Rely only on that money and “we can kiss our world goodbye,” she said in an e-mail. The $100 million raised by the Colossal Foundation is essential, then, she says. As for the samples the team had collected on the Gulf Coast, she says, limited freezer space is often devoted to animals that are officially categorized as threatened or endangered, which the Gulf Coast canids are not. Colossal could take the samples, and the team passed them along to the company.

Dr. Joey Hinton
Ecologist Joey Hinton trapped the canids that Colossal Biosciences used to source the DNA for its clones. He dismisses the clones as a way for the company to earn headlines and attract funding.
RICH SAAL

It was Hinton—a source for a former story—who first alerted me to Colossal’s work on red wolves; he described vonHoldt and Brzeski’s de-introgression project, which won federal funding in late 2024, as nefarious-sounding work to “disappear” canids off the Gulf Coast. But he did not have all the details of the project, which had changed after he left the team. He suggested they’d be “just throwing animals together,” whereas vonHoldt described a careful program of observing the canids in the wild so she could determine which acted most wolflike, findings she’d cross-­reference with their genetic data.

 Colossal did not wind up participating in the de-­introgression project. But the company is doing work on the red wolf that ­vonHoldt views as complementary: Its scientists are assembling a “pangenome” of North American canids by studying samples pulled from museums, universities, zoos, and other institutions. This data set is expected to clarify both what genetic sequences are shared across the entire canid family and what snippets differ in certain populations. The hope is that this will provide a clearer picture of the red wolf in its early days, before the coyotes arrived and the gene pool narrowed. That might shift what Colossal’s James calls the government’s arbitrary definition of the red wolf, to encompass more of the species’ full former diversity. 

The pangenome, then, might allow vonHoldt’s de-­introgressed canids, descended from the Gulf coast canids, to qualify as actual red wolves. Indeed, James suggested to me that more information about historic red wolves might force the government to take a new look at the Gulf Coast canids; some individuals might have high enough red wolf ancestry to be classified as red wolves. (“That has management implications that terrify state and federal government,” he added.)

hair in Zip-Loc bags on a metal tray
Blood and tissue samples collected by the Galveston Island Humane Society from canid roadkill will be shipped to Princeton University for DNA analysis.
TRISTAN SPINSKI

The purpose of vonHoldt’s de-introgression project is to bring back certain lost red wolf genes—to create a whole new wolf lineage. But she has also pushed against the idea of “genetic purity,” which she thinks limits what we protect with conservation laws; she told me emphasizing it reminds her of the human history of eugenics and “makes every part of my soul hurt.” She cares less about what species are out there, in the landscape, than what ecological function the animals play, and she sees coyotes and red wolves as closely related animals that may have a role to play in one another’s future survival.


As for Colossal’s clones, even vonHoldt seems to describe them as something less than a conservation breakthrough. They are a “proof of principle that we, collectively, as a scientific community, know how to do it,” she told me. If an urgent need arises to clone red wolves, the groundwork has been laid. 

Hinton, meanwhile, is one of several scientists I spoke with who were skeptical Colossal was doing good science, given that so much is conducted behind closed doors. He implied that the clones were nothing but an empty showpiece, a way to earn headlines and attract funders. “The work is anything but symbolic,” James responded via e-mail. “It expands the genetic toolkit available for critically endangered species, demonstrates scalable approaches to biodiversity restoration, and contributes directly to preserving imperiled lineages.” He noted that Colossal had intentionally decided to avoid the “snail’s pace” of the peer review process and suggested that the skepticism from scientists may actually be a “panicked response to being outpaced.”

Until some evidence confirms that the Gulf Coast canids—the source material for the clones—are red wolves, they can’t legally be classified as such for federal conservation purposes. Nonetheless, Colossal’s press release claimed that the company had “birthed two litters of cloned red wolves, the most critically endangered wolf in the world.” On the same day that press release dropped, Colossal’s CEO and cofounder, Ben Lamm, appeared on The Joe Rogan Experience and claimed that he had offered to create hundreds of red wolves for the federal government to use in recovery—for free! He was miffed when the government, under the Biden administration, replied that it wanted to spend several years and many millions of dollars to study the potential for cloning before it would take any action. (The company has gotten more traction with the Trump administration, Lamm said.)

When I first spoke to James at Colossal, he said that he was “cognizant” of the concerns over the names and labels and that the company’s own materials described the clones as “red ‘ghost’ wolves.” He suggested that if anyone assumed the clones were actual red wolves, that was because journalists had failed to grasp the nuances of the science. But this phrase appears so late in a long document that it was cut off in some versions. Later, over email, James indicated that further analysis had convinced him that what the company had created were red wolves, and that anyone who disagreed either could not grasp the science or is “so ideologically opposed to Colossal’s conservation revolution that they are willing to compromise their scientific integrity.”

VonHoldt has had her own issues with the company’s communications; she told me it was “stressful” when Lamm described the clones as red wolves—which, she notes, “federally, they’re not.” But she values the company’s work, she says, and “the thing that I value the most is shaking things up.” People are paying attention to red wolves. If it’s hard to decide what to call the animals on the Gulf Coast—where some heavily wolfy animals live alongside others that are more coyote—that’s just proof that our concept of a “species” does not capture the complex realities on the ground. 


In 2025, the same year as Colossal’s wolf announcement, Hinton launched the Texas-Louisiana Canid Project. He’s working in partnership with Broussard, the master’s student at McNeese, in slightly different territory from vonHoldt and Brzeski—and focusing more on the animals’ appearance and behavior than their genes. The Gulf Coast canids are stable and faring better than the North Carolina red wolves, and his hope is that if we learn why they’ve been successful for so many years, we might be able to help the official red wolf population, which is only just limping along. 

a wolf crosses a road outside of the city
Galveston locals hope that the presence of these remarkable creatures—red wolves or not—might rein in the rapid development of the island’s last stands of green.
TRISTAN SPINSKI

I had planned to join Hinton in the field, but by the time I was able to visit, he’d had to go home to his family. So I joined Broussard on his last days trapping in Texas that season. Before I’d left for Winnie, I’d told my friends I’d be out chasing the last surviving red wolves. But there, on the Gulf Coast, I came to understand that this was just as much a story about coyotes.

That’s what Broussard and Cunningham both called the creatures. Hinton does too; he considers the animals to be a specific “ecotype” of coyote, featuring an injection of wolf DNA that has helped them adapt to the local marshes. 

At vonHoldt’s behest, I drove an hour down the coast to Galveston Island, where she and Brzeski began working with the island’s animal control department; when locals find a coyote, the animal is captured so its blood can be collected and a GPS collar fitted on its neck. A small group of locals who support the project have come to call themselves the “ghost wolf team.” They hoped that the presence of these remarkable creatures might rein in the rapid development of the island’s last stands of green. Still, the people I spoke to in Galveston conceded that the animals were, if special, nonetheless a form of coyote. 

VonHoldt describes Galveston Island as a potential model for what conservation could look like in the future. Top-down recovery hasn’t been working, but helping more places fall in love with their local animals might. And for that to happen, we need to stop obsessing over whether or not something is a “pure” wolf. What matters, she argues, is that an animal is doing what a larger predator does in an ecosystem. She embraces the “ghost wolf” name because, more than “Gulf Coast canid,” it makes clear that there’s something special on the coast—something worth protecting. 

Her vision is enticing: Focus on function over purity. Let evolution proceed. Stop protecting the wolf of the past and consider the wolf of the future. Such rapid genetic exchange may be necessary to help predators adapt to a hotter, increasingly shattered world, she says. 

If we throw out the concept of “endangered species,” will we really protect “endangered functions” instead?

Then again, we already know what’s adapted to the world we’re building: coyotes. The argument against genetic purity can sound like giving up on wolves entirely, with the possible exception of whatever specimens we produce in cloning facilities. And there is the matter of politics: If we throw out the concept of “endangered species,” will we really protect “endangered functions” instead? Under an administration already rolling back environmental protections, the likeliest outcome may be protecting nothing at all.

I tried in Galveston, too, to see the coyotes. Ron Wooten, the local resident who helped alert scientists to this population, dropped some pins on a map, pointing me toward several likely spots. That evening, after the sun set, I chose a quiet road that passed through marshes until it reached the island’s eastern beach. It was mating season, Wooten had noted. The animals should be on the move, he said; look to the bushes. As I drove up and down the road, my headlights revealed only empty darkness. No coyote. No wolf. Fitting, perhaps—isn’t absence the essence of a ghost? But whether this was a good omen was less clear. As individuals, these animals do best by avoiding us humans. As a group, their survival—like the survival of the red wolves—depends on our knowing that they are here, and were here, and deciding that is reason enough to care.

In Winnie the next morning, I went out one last time with Broussard, and we struck out again. With no coyotes in his traps and the new semester looming, he decided to take down his game cameras. Back at the hotel, I caught at least an image of what I’d been chasing: In black and white, the animals were appropriately silver, spectral, dashing across the midnight fields. In one clip, a canid paused and howled. “That’s super cool,” Broussard said quietly, as an echoing, interweaving chorus responded from somewhere deeper in the marsh. 

Boyce Upholt is a journalist based in New Orleans and founding editor of Southlands, a magazine about Southern nature. 

The noise we make is hurting animals. Can we learn to shut up?

When the covid-19 pandemic started, Jennifer Phillips thought about the songs of the sparrows.

They were easier to hear, because the world had suddenly become quieter. Car traffic plummeted as people sheltered at home and shifted to remote work. Air travel collapsed. Cities—normally filled with the honking, screeching, engine-gunning riot of transportation—became as silent as tombs.

For years, Phillips has studied how animals react to “anthropogenic noise,” or the racket created by human activity. Most animals really don’t like it, she and her colleagues have learned. Animals constantly listen to the world around them: They’re on the alert for the rustle of approaching predators, or a mating call from a member of their species. As human society has expanded—with sprawling cities, industrial mines, and roads crisscrossing the world—it has gotten noisier too, and animals have trouble hearing one another.

Noise is invisible; there’s no billowing smokestack, no soiled waterway. We just got used to it as it vibrated in the background.

Phillips and her colleagues had spent time in the 2010s in San Francisco recording the sound of white-crowned sparrows in the Presidio. It’s a park that is half peaceful nature and half automobile noise, since it’s filled with thick clumps of trees and grassy fields but also has two highways that slice through it, feeding onto the Golden Gate Bridge. In past recordings, starting in the 1950s, sparrows had sung with complex and lower-pitched melodies and three major “dialects.” But by the 2010s, traffic in the Presidio had exploded, and the hubbub was so loud that the birds began to sing with faster trills—and at a higher pitch—so their fellows could hear them. The two quietest dialects were either dead or on their way to extinction.

They’re “screaming at the top of their lungs,” says Phillips. “They really can’t hear the lower frequencies when the traffic noise is present.” Urban noise can even change birds’ bodies; they get thinner and more stressed out. Their mating calls aren’t as effective, because female birds, as researchers have found, generally don’t enjoy high-pitched, high-volume shouting. (It makes them wonder if the males are unhealthy.) The noise can increase bird-on-bird conflict, because when birds can’t hear warning cries they accidentally stumble into enemy territory. Perhaps worst of all, in situations like these biodiversity takes a hit: Entire species that can’t handle urban clamor simply head out of town and never come back.

But as the sudden, eerie silence of the pandemic descended, Phillips sat at home thinking, It’s really quiet. And then she wondered: Would the Presidio birds now be able to hear each other better?

She raced over to the park and started recording. Sure enough, the park was seven decibels quieter—a huge drop. (That’s like the difference between the noise of the average home and whispering.)

And remarkably, the researchers found that the songs of the white-crowned sparrows had transformed. They were singing more quietly, with a richer range of frequencies. A bird could be heard twice as far as before. And the mating calls had gotten more sultry.

“They could sing a higher performance, basically a sexier song, but not have to scream it so loud,” Phillips says. 

It was as if time had been reversed and all the damage abruptly repaired. And it proved what Phillips and her peers have been increasingly documenting: that anthropogenic noise is the newest form of pollution we need to tackle. The noise of our relentlessly on-the-move industrial society affects all life on Earth, wildlife and humans, in ways we’re just beginning to grasp. Yet strategies such as electrification and clever urban design could help. As the Presidio showed, noise can vanish overnight—once we figure out how to shut up.

Hidden impacts

Many forms of pollution are obvious to us humans. Dumping toxic goo into lakes? Sure, that’s bad. Coal smokestacks pumping soot and carbon dioxide, plastic bags and sea nets choking whales—we now understand that these, too, are problems. Even an idea as gauzy as light pollution has penetrated the public consciousness to some extent, since it’s why city dwellers can’t see many stars, and we’ve heard it confuses migratory birds.

But noise, mostly from transportation, took longer to hit our radar. This is partly because it’s invisible; there’s no billowing smokestack, no soiled waterway. We just got used to it as it vibrated in the background.

sparrow perched on a branch, singing
Sparrows in San Francisco’s Presidio began to sing with faster trills—and at a higher pitch—so their fellows could hear them over the noise of nearby traffic.
GETTY IMAGES
hummingbird in flight
The black-chinned hummingbird seems to prefer noisy areas, fledging more chicks than the same species does in quieter areas.
MDF/WIKIMEDIA COMMONS

There were a few studies in the ’70s and ’80s showing that animals were upset by our noise. But the field really began to take off in the ’00s, in part because digital technology made it easier to record long swathes of sound out in nature and analyze them. One early salvo came from the biologist Hans Slabbekoorn, who was studying doves in the city of Leiden and irritatedly noticed that he could rarely get a clean recording because of the background noise. Sometimes he’d see the doves’ throats moving as they cooed but couldn’t hear them. “If I’m having difficulty hearing them,” he thought, “what about them?”

So he and a colleague started recording ambient sound levels in different parts of Leiden. Some were quiet residential areas, which registered a soothing 42 decibels, and others were noisy intersections or areas near highways, which reached 63 decibels, about as loud as background music. Sure enough, he found that birds in the noisy areas were singing at a higher pitch.

Over the next two decades, research in the field bloomed. Noise, the scientists found, has a few common ill effects on animals. It disrupts communication, certainly. But it also generally stresses them, reducing everything from their body weight to their receptivity to mating calls. If an animal nests closer to a road, its reproduction rates can go down; eastern bluebirds, for example, produce fewer fledglings. Truly cacophonous noise—like planes taking off at a nearby airport—can cause hearing loss in birds. And animals can wind up becoming less aware of threats from predators. They’ll wander closer to danger, because they can’t hear it coming. (And sometimes they’ll do the opposite: They’ll develop a rageaholic hair-­trigger temper, because they’re constantly on high alert and regard everything as a threat.) 

Even in deep rural areas, where things are normally pretty quiet, highways can disrupt wildlife—the noise carries far into the fields nearby. Fraser Shilling, a biologist at the University of California, Davis, has stood up to half a mile from rural highways and recorded sound as loud as 60 decibels, which is at least 20 decibels higher than you’d typically find in the wilderness. “The motorcycles and the 18-wheelers are really the ones that project a lot of noise,” he told me. 

Above 55 decibels, many skittish animals get into a fight-or-flight panic. The prevalence of bobcats—an endangered species famously rattled by noise—“starts dropping off the cliff,” says Shilling. Above 65, “you’re really starting to exclude almost all wildlife.”

And that’s not even the upper limit of what wildlife is exposed to. There are roughly a half-million natural-gas wells around the US, and piercingly loud compressors are used to shoot water down into most of them. Up close, the compressors can kick out 95 decibels, a sound as loud as a subway train; at one Wyoming gas well the sound still registered around 48 decibels nearly a quarter-mile away.

Historically, it wasn’t always easy to prove that noise was causing whatever problems the animals were experiencing. Maybe it was other factors; maybe animal populations reduce near a road because some are hit by vehicles? 

But several clever experiments have proved that noise—and noise alone—can disrupt wildlife. One was the “phantom road” experiment by the conservation scientist Jesse Barber and his team, then at Boise State University. They went out to a quiet, uninhabited area of the Boise foothills in Idaho, far away from any roads. In this valley in the mountains, thousands of migratory birds stop on their way south each year; they’ll gorge themselves on cherry bushes, gaining weight for the next days of flying. The researchers strapped 15 pairs of speakers to Douglas fir trees, in a half-kilometer line. Then they blasted recordings of highway noise. They played the noise for four days and then turned it off for four days. Then they observed thousands of birds, capturing many to measure their body mass.

The noise truly rattled the birds. When the sound was turned on, nearly a third left the area. Those that stuck around ate less: While birds should be heavier after a day of foraging, these ones didn’t gain much. The noise seemed to have so interrupted their feeding that they weren’t packing on the weight needed for their migratory trip.

Other, similarly nifty A/B tests followed. One was led by David Luther, a biologist at George Mason University (who also worked with Phillips on the covid-19 study in San Francisco). In 2015, these researchers took 17 white-crowned sparrows at birth and raised them in a lab. To teach them their species’ songs, they played the nestlings recordings of adult sparrows singing, at low and high pitches. Six of the nestlings heard the songs without any interference; with the other half, the researchers played the sounds of city noise at the same time.

The results were stark. The lucky birds that were spared the traffic noise learned to perform the quieter, sweeter, more complex songs. But the birds that had traffic noise blasted learned only the higher, faster, more stressed-out songs. From the cradle, noise changed the way they communicated.

Humans hate noise too

You can’t pull the same experiment with humans, raising them in a lab to see how noise affects them. (Not ethically, anyway.) But if we could, we’d likely find the same thing. We, too, are animals—and it appears that we suffer in similar ways from anthropogenic noise, even though we’re the ones creating it.

The sound of traffic is correlated with lousy sleep, higher blood pressure, more heart disease, and higher stress.

Stacks of research in the last few decades have found that noise—most often, as with wildlife, the sound of traffic—is correlated with lousy sleep, higher blood pressure, more heart disease, and higher stress. A Danish study followed almost 25,000 nurses for years and found that an additional 10 decibels hit them hard; over a 23-year period they had an 8% higher rate of death, plus higher rates of nearly every bad thing that could happen to you: cancers, psychiatric problems, strokes. (They controlled for other malign health influences.) As you’d probably predict by now, children fare badly too. When Barcelona researchers followed almost 3,000 elementary school kids for a year, they found that those in noisier schools performed worse on assessments of working memory and ability to pay attention.

“We think of ourselves as being ‘used to it,’” says Gail Patricelli, a professor of evolution and ecology at the University of California, Davis. “We’re not as used to it as we think we are.”

It’s also true that there’s a trade-off. Many people understand that noise from cities and highways is aggravating, but we tolerate it because we get benefits along with the hassles. Cities are crammed with jobs and connections and dating opportunities; cars and trucks bring us the things we need and increase our personal mobility.

It turns out that animals make a similar calculus. Some species appear to benefit in certain ways from proximity to noise, so they move toward it. 

Clinton Francis, a biologist at California Polytechnic State University, and a team studied bird populations near noisy gas wells in rural New Mexico. Most species avoided the riot of the well pumps. But Francis was surprised to find that some hummingbirds and finches preferred it, and by one important measure they thrived: They were nesting more in the noisy areas than in the quieter areas. Additionally, several species had more success at fledging chicks in noisier locations.

What was going on? It’s likely that the noise makes it harder for predators to hear the birds and hunt down their nests. “It’s essentially a predator shield,” Francis says. Since his research found that predators can cause as much as 76% of failures of eggs to produce healthy offspring, that’s a significant survival advantage.

Cities can offer the same protections to certain species. Consider the case of Flaco, a Eurasian eagle-owl that escaped from the Central Park Zoo in February of 2023 and found he was in a terrific place to hunt. The incessant traffic ought to have caused him trouble. “An owl like this is among the most vulnerable species to intrusions from noise pollution. They’re listening for extremely faint signals or cues that their prey provide,” Francis notes. But New York has its compensations, because prey animals abound. They’re also naïve and unguarded, never expecting an owl with a six-foot wingspan to swoop down and devour them.

EDDIE GUY

Granted, these upsides don’t cancel out the negatives. Human noise may shield some birds from predators, but in other ways it leaves them faintly miserable, with high levels of stress hormones and lower weight. 

Worse, the species that manage to thrive in cities or near highways are often the same ones all over the country.  And they represent only a minority of species; most are driven further away, with less and less land to live on as civilization spreads ever outward. 

“Overall, it’s kind of a nightmare for diversity,” says Luther.

How to silence the world

In the early ’00s, the village of Alverna in the Netherlands began to get louder. A major intercity road cut straight through the town, and traffic had gone up by two-thirds in the previous decade. Facing complaints about the din, the town offered to put up some 13-foot walls on either side of the route. Residents hated the idea. Who wants to look out the window at massive walls?

So instead town planners redesigned the road in subtle ways. They lowered it by half a meter, slightly blocking the tire sounds. They built wedges that rise up three feet on either side, and surfaced them with attractive antique stone; that blocked even more sound. They planted sound-absorbing trees. And as a final coup de grâce, they reduced the speed limit from about 50 to 30 miles per hour. When a car is moving slowly, the engine is producing most of the roar—but once it’s going 45 mph or faster, the rumble of tires on the pavement takes over and is much louder. Each intervention had only a small effect, but cumulatively they made the road a blessed 10 decibels quieter.

This tale illustrates one curious upside of noise. Compared with other forms of pollution, it can be ended quickly. Toxic pollutants or CO2 can hang around for tens of thousands of years; the microplastics in your pancreas are probably never coming out. But with noise, the instant you reduce the source, the benefits are immediate. 

Plus, most of what works is “not rocket science,” Shilling says. A tall wall at the side of a highway will cut noise by 10 decibels; fill a double-sided wall with rubble and it’s even better. That could cut the traffic noise to below 55 decibels, he notes, which would help particularly skittish forms of wildlife. Walls can block animal movement, though, so in animal-heavy areas it’s better to build berms—small hills on either side of a highway. Areas of high ecological importance could be prioritized to keep costs down. 

“If there’s a great chunk of wetland habitat and it’s the only one around for 50 miles in any direction? Well, then we should build noise walls around it,” he says. We should also build overpasses and underpasses to help animals get around. And to quiet the din of gas wells out in the countryside, states could require companies to build walls around them. (They’ll likely only do that, though, when human neighbors complain or launch lawsuits; animals don’t have lawyers.)

Cities, too, can learn to shut up, as Alverna proved. At the most ambitious, some have buried noisy highways that once cut through the downtown core. Boston put a massive elevated highway underground in its “Big Dig”; in Slabbekoorn’s hometown of Amstelveen—a suburb of Amsterdam—they’re currently enclosing the A9 highway in a tunnel and turning the surface into a verdant park with new buildings. “That’s amazing, getting back a lot of the space as well,” he says. 

Granted, this sort of reengineering can be brutally expensive, which is why politicians blanch when they’re asked to reduce road noise. The Big Dig cost $15 billion, and with interest up to $24 billion. When I mentioned cost to Shilling, he sighed. “It’s not as expensive as a B-1 bomber or tax cuts for rich people,” he says. “Environmental stuff is considered expensive just because our expectations are low, not because we can’t afford to do it.”

There are cheaper and more politically palatable fixes, though. Reducing urban speed limits is one; Paris recently cut the top speed on its ring roads from 70 to 50 kilometers per hour (43 to 31 mph), and noise at night went down by an average 2.7 decibels—a noticeable drop. Planting more trees and vegetation all around roads and cities can cut a few decibels more, and residents love it. 

Growing adoption of electricity would also bring down the volume. “Electric vehicles of all kinds have the potential to make a big difference,” Patricelli says; when the light turns green and an EV next to you accelerates away, it’s up to 13 decibels quieter than a comparable gas-­powered vehicle. These benefits won’t be felt as much on highways, because EVs still make tire noise at high speeds. But in the slower stop-and-go traffic of urban life, they are far more pleasant to the ears, both animal and human. Indeed, the electrification of everything that currently uses a gas-powered motor will make urban life quieter. Cities like Alameda, California, and Alexandria, Virginia, are increasingly banning gas-powered leaf blowers and lawn mowers, which operate at hair-raising volume while electric ones whisper along. 

We’ve engineered a civilization that roars, but the next phase is making it purr. The animals will thank us. 

Clive Thompson is a science and technology journalist based in New York City.

No one’s sure if synthetic mirror life will kill us all

For four days in February 2019, some 30 synthetic biologists and ethicists hunkered down at a conference center in Northern Virginia to brainstorm high-risk, cutting-­edge, irresistibly exciting ideas that the National Science Foundation should fund. By the end of the meeting, they’d landed on a compelling contender: making “mirror” bacteria. Should they come to be, the lab-created microbes would be structured and organized like ordinary bacteria, with one important exception: Key biological molecules like proteins, sugars, and lipids would be the mirror images of those found in nature. DNA, RNA, and many other components of living cells are chiral, which means they have a built-in rotational structure. Their mirrors would twist in the opposite direction. 

Researchers thrilled at the prospect. “Everybody—everybody—thought this was cool,” says John Glass, a synthetic biologist at the J. Craig Venter Institute in La Jolla, California, who attended the 2019 workshop and is a pioneer in developing synthetic cells. It was “an incredibly difficult project that would tell us potentially new things about how to design and build cells, or about the origin of life on Earth.” The group saw enormous potential for medicine, too. Mirror microbes might be engineered as biological factories, producing mirror molecules that could form the basis for new kinds of drugs. In theory, such therapeutics could perform the same functions as their natural counterparts, but without triggering unwelcome immune responses. 

After the meeting, the biologists recommended NSF funding for a handful of research groups to develop tools and carry out preliminary experiments, the beginnings of a path through the looking glass. The excitement was global. The National Natural Science Foundation of China funded major projects in mirror biology, as did the German Federal Ministry of Research, Technology, and Space.

By five years later, in 2024, many researchers involved in that NSF meeting had reversed course. They’d become convinced that in the worst of all possible futures, mirror organisms could trigger a catastrophic event threatening every form of life on Earth; they’d proliferate without predators and evade the immune defenses of people, plants, and animals. 

“I wish that one sunny afternoon we were having coffee and we realized the world’s about to end, but that’s not what happened.”

Kate Adamala, synthetic biologist, University of Minnesota

Over the past two years, they’ve been ringing alarm bells. They published an article in Science in December 2024, accompanied by a 299-page technical report addressing feasibility and risks. They’ve written essays and convened panels and cofounded the Mirror Biology Dialogues Fund (MBDF), a broadly funded nonprofit charged with supporting work on understanding and addressing the risk. The issue has received a blaze of media attention and ignited dialogues among not only chemists and synthetic biologists but also bioethicists and policymakers.  

What’s received less attention, however, is how we got here and what uncertainties still remain about any potential threat. Creating a mirror-life organism would be tremendously complicated and expensive. And although the scientific community is taking the alarm seriously, some scientists doubt whether it’s even possible to create a mirror organism anytime soon. “The hypothetical creation of mirror-­image organisms lies far beyond the reach of present-day science,” says Ting Zhu, a molecular biologist at Westlake University, in China, whose lab focuses on synthesizing mirror-image peptides and other molecules. He and others have urged colleagues not to let speculation and anxiety guide decision-making and argued that it’s premature to call for a broad moratorium on early-stage research, which they say could have medical benefits. 

But the researchers who are raising flags describe a pathway, even multiple pathways, to bringing mirror life into existence—and they say we urgently need guardrails to figure out what kinds of mirror-biology research might still be safe. That means they’re facing a question that others have encountered before, multiple times over the last several decades and with mixed results—one that doesn’t have a neat home in the scientific method. What should scientists do when they see the shadow of the end of the world in their own research? 

Looking-glass life

The French chemist and microbiologist Louis Pasteur was the first to recognize that biological molecules had built-in handedness. In the late 19th century, he described all living species as “functions of cosmic asymmetry.” What would happen, he mused, if one could replace these chiral components with their mirror opposites? 

Scientists now recognize that chirality is central to life itself, though no one knows why. In humans, 19 of the 20 so-called “standard” amino acids that make up proteins are chiral, and all in the same way. (The outlier, glycine, is symmetrical.) The functions of proteins are intricately tied to their shapes, and they mostly interact with other molecules through chiral structures. Almost all receptors on the surface of a cell are chiral. During an infection, the immune system’s sentinels use chirality to detect and bind to antigens—substances that trigger an immune response—and to start the process of building antibodies. 

By the late 20th century, researchers had begun to explore the idea of reversing chirality. In 1992, one team reported having synthesized the first mirror-image protein. That, in turn, set off the first clarion call about the risk: In response to the discovery, chemists at Purdue University pointed out, briefly, that mirror-life organisms, if they escaped from a lab, would be immune to any attack by “normal” life. A 2010 story in Wired highlighting early findings in the area noted that if a such a microbe developed the ability to photosynthesize, it could obliterate life as we know it. 

The synthetic biology community didn’t seriously weigh those threats then, says David Relman, a specialist who bridges infectious disease and microbiology at Stanford University and a trailblazer in studying the gut and oral microbiomes. The idea of a mirror microbe seemed too far beyond the actual progress on proteins. “This was almost a solely theoretical argument 20 years ago,” he says. 

Now the research landscape has changed. 

Scientists are quickly making progress on mirror images of the machinery cells use to make proteins and to self-replicate. Those components include DNA, which encodes the recipes for proteins; DNA polymerases, which help copy genetic material; and RNA, which carries recipes to ribosomes, the cell’s protein factories. If researchers could make self-replicating mirror ribosomes, then they would have an efficient way to produce mirror proteins. That could be used as a biological manufacturing method for therapeutics. But embedded in a self-­replicating, metabolizing synthetic cell, all these pieces could give rise to a mirror microbe. 

When synthetic biologists convened in Northern Virginia in 2019, they didn’t recognize how quickly the technology was advancing, and if they saw a threat at all, it may have been obscured by the blinding appeal of pushing the science forward. What’s become apparent now, says Glass, is that scientists in different disciplines, all related to mirror life, were largely unaware of what other scientists had been doing. Chemists didn’t know that synthetic biologists had made so much progress on creating mirror cells with natural chirality from scratch. Biologists didn’t appreciate that chemists were building ever-larger mirror macromolecules. “We tend to be siloed,” Glass says. And nobody, he says, had thought to seriously examine the immune system concerns that had already been raised in response to earlier work. “There was not an immunologist or an infectious disease person in the room,” Glass says, reflecting on the 2019 meeting. “I may have come closest, given that I work with pathogenic bacteria and viruses,” he adds, but his work doesn’t address how they cause infections in their hosts.

on the left, a hand with petri dish and the same image inverted on the right

GETTY IMAGES

These scientists also didn’t know that around the same time as their meeting, another conversation about mirror life was happening—a darker dialogue that was as focused on danger as it was on discovery. Starting around 2016, researchers with a nonprofit called Open Philanthropy had begun compiling research files on catastrophic biological risks. The organization, which rebranded as Coefficient Giving in 2025, funds projects across a range of focus areas; it adheres to a divisive philanthropic philosophy called effective altruism, which advocates giving money to projects with the highest potential benefit to the most people. While that might not sound objectionable, critics point out that the metrics devotees use to gauge “effectiveness” can prioritize long-term solutions while neglecting social injustices or systemic problems. 

Someone in Open Philanthropy’s bio­security group had suggested looking into the risks posed by mirror life. In 2019 the organization began funding research by Kevin Esvelt, who leads the Sculpting Evolution group at the MIT Media Lab, on biosecurity issues, including mirror life. He began reading up to see whether mirror life was something to worry about.

Esvelt made waves in 2013 for pioneering the use of CRISPR to develop a gene drive, a technology that could spread genetic changes introduced into a living organism through a whole population. Researchers are exploring its use, for example, to make mosquitoes hostile to the parasite that causes malaria—and, as a result, lower their chance of spreading it to humans. But almost immediately after he developed the tool, Esvelt argued against using it for profit, at least until proper safeguards could be set and its use in fighting malaria had been established. “Do you really have the right to run an experiment where if you screw up, it affects the whole world?” he asked, in this magazine, in 2016. At the Media Lab, Esvelt leads efforts to safely develop gene drives that can be deployed locally but prevented from spreading globally. 

Esvelt says he’s often thinking about the security risks posed by self-sustaining genetically engineered technologies, and research led him to suspect that the threat of mirror organisms hadn’t been seriously interrogated. The more he learned about microbial growth rates, predator-prey and microbe-microbe interactions, and immunology, the more he began to worry that mirror organisms, if impervious to the innate defenses of natural ones, could cause unstoppable infections in the event that they escaped the lab. 

Even if the first experimental iteration of such a germ were too fragile to survive in the environment or a human body, Esvelt says, it would be a light lift to genetically engineer new, more resilient versions with existing technology. Even worse, he says, the results could be weaponized. The possible path from 2019 to global annihilation seemed almost too direct, he found. 

But he wasn’t an expert in all the scientific fields involved in research on mirror life, so he started making calls. He first described his concerns to Relman one night in February 2022, at a restaurant outside Washington, DC. Esvelt hoped Relman would tell him he was wrong, that he’d missed something over the years of gathering data. Instead, he was troubled. 

The concern spreads

When Relman returned to California, he read more about the technology, the risks, and the role of chirality in the immune system and the environment. And he consulted experts he knew well—ecologists, other microbiologists, immunologists, all of them leaders in their fields—in an attempt to assuage his concerns. “I was hoping that they’d be able to say, I’ve thought about this, and I see a problem with your logic. I see that it’s really not so bad,” he says. “At every turn, that did not happen. Something about it was new to every person.” 

The concern spread. Relman worked with Jack Szostak, a professor of chemistry at the University of Chicago, and a group of researchers to see if it was possible to make an argument that mirror life wasn’t going to wipe out humanity. Included in that group was Kate Adamala, a synthetic biologist at the University of Minnesota. She was a natural choice: Adamala had shared the initial grant from the NSF, in 2019, to explore mirror-life technologies. 

She also became convinced the risk was real—and was dumbfounded that she hadn’t seen it earlier. “I wish that one sunny afternoon we were having coffee and we realized the world’s about to end, but that’s not what happened,” she says. “I’m embarrassed to admit that I wasn’t even the one that brought up the risks first.” Through late 2023 and early 2024, the endeavor began to take on the form of a rigorous scientific investigation. Experts were presented with a hypothesis—namely, that if mirror cells were built, they would pose an existential threat—and asked to challenge it. The goal was to falsify the hypothesis. “It would be great if we were wrong,” says Vaughn Cooper, a microbiologist at the University of Pittsburgh and president-elect of the American Society for Microbiology. 

Relman says that as the chemists and biologists learned more about one another’s work and began to understand what immunologists know about how living things defend themselves, they started to connect the dots and see an emerging picture of an unstoppable synthetic threat.

Some scientists have pushed back against the doomsday scenario, suggesting that the case against mirror life offers an “inflated view of the danger.”

Timothy Hand, an immunologist at the University of Pittsburgh who hadn’t participated in the 2019 NSF meeting, wasn’t initially worried when he heard about mirror life, in 2024. “The mammalian immune system has this incredible capability to make antibodies against any shape,” he says. “Who cares if it’s a mirror?” But when he took a closer look at that process, he could see a cascade of potential problems far upstream of antibody production. Start with detection: Macrophages, which are cells the immune system uses to identify and dispatch invaders, use chiral sensing receptors on their surfaces. The proteins they use to grab on to those invaders, too, are chiral. That suggests the possibility that an organism could be infected with a mirror organism but not be able to detect it or defend against it. “The lack of innate immune sensing is an incredibly dangerous circumstance for the host,” Hand says.

By early 2024, Glass had become concerned as well. Relman and James Wagstaff, a structural biologist from Open Philanthropy, visited him at the Venter Institute to talk about the possibility of using synthetic cell technology—Glass’s specialty—to build mirror life. “At first I thought, This can’t be real,” Glass says. They walked through arguments and counterarguments. “The more this went on, the more I started feeling ill,” he says. “It made me realize that work I had been doing for much of the last 20 years could be setting the world up for this incredible catastrophe.” 

In the second half of 2024, the growing group of scientists assembled the report and wrote the policy forum for Science. Relman briefed policymakers at the White House and members of the national security community. Researchers met with the National Institutes of Health and the National Science Foundation. “We briefed the United Nations, the UK government, the government of Singapore, scientific funding organizations from Brazil,” says Glass. “We’ve talked to the Chinese government indirectly. We were trying to not blindside anybody.” 

A year and a half on, the push has had an impact. UNESCO has recommended a precautionary global moratorium on creating mirror-life cells, and major philanthropic organizations that fund science, including the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation, have announced they will not finance research leading to a mirror microorganism. The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists highlighted considerations about mirror life in its most recent report on the Doomsday Clock. In March, the United Nations Secretary-General’s Scientific Advisory Board issued a brief highlighting the risks—noting, for example, that recent progress on building mirror molecules could reduce the cost of creating a mirror microbe. 

“I think no one really believes at this stage that we should make mirror life, based on the evidence that’s available,” says James Smith, the scientist who leads the MBDF, the nonprofit focused on assessing the risks of mirror life, which is funded by Coefficient Giving, the Sloan Foundation, and other organizations. The challenge now, Smith says, is for scientists to work with policymakers and bioethicists to figure out how much research on mirror life should be permitted—and who will enforce the rules.

Drawing the line

Not everyone is convinced that mirror organisms pose an existential threat. It’s difficult to verify predictions about how mirror microbes would fare in the immune system—or the larger world—without running experiments on them. Some scientists have pushed back against the doomsday scenario, suggesting that the case against mirror life offers an “inflated view of the danger.” Others have noted that carbohydrates called glycans already exist in both left- and right-handed forms—even in pathogens—and the immune system can recognize both of them. Experiments focused on interactions between the immune system and mirror molecules, they say, could help clarify the risks of mirror organisms and reduce uncertainty. 

Even among those convinced that the worst-case scenario is possible, researchers still disagree over where to draw the line. What inquiries should be allowed and what should be prohibited?

Andy Ellington, a biotechnologist and synthetic biologist at the University of Texas at Austin, doesn’t think mirror organisms will come to fruition anytime soon. Even if they do, he isn’t sure they will pose a threat. “If there is going to be harm done to the human race, this is about position 382 on my list,” he says. But at the same time, he says it’s a complicated issue worth studying more, and he wants to see the conversations continue: “We’re operating in a space where there’s so much unknown that it’s very difficult for us to do risk assessment.” 

Even among those convinced that the worst-case scenario is possible, researchers still disagree over where to draw the line. What inquiries should be allowed and what should be prohibited? 

Adamala, of the University of Minnesota, and others see a natural line at ribosomes, the cellular factories that transform chains of amino acids into proteins. These would be a critical ingredient in creating a self-replicating organism, and Adamala says the path to getting there once mirror ribosomes are in place would be pretty straightforward. But Zhu, at Westlake, and others counter that it’s worth developing mirror ribosomes because they could possibly produce medically useful peptides and proteins more efficiently than traditional chemical methods. He sees a clear distinction, and a foundational gap, between that kind of technology and the creation of a living synthetic organism. “It is crucial to distinguish mirror-image molecular biology from mirror-image life,” he says. That said, he points out that many synthetic molecules and organisms containing unnatural components, including but not limited to the mirror-image subset, might pose health risks. Researchers, he says, should focus on developing holistic guidelines to cover such risks—not just those from mirror molecules. 

Even if the exact risk remains uncertain, Esvelt remains more convinced than ever that the work should be paused, perhaps indefinitely. No one has taken a meaningful swing at the hypothesis that mirror life could wipe out everything, he says. The primary uncertainties aren’t around whether mirror life is dangerous, he points out; they have more to do with identifying which bacterium—including what genes it encodes, what it eats, how it evades the immune system’s sentinels—could lead to the most serious consequences. “The risk of losing everything, like the entire future of humanity integrated over time, is not worth any small fraction of the economy. You just don’t muck around with existential risk like that,” he says. 

In some ways, scientists have been here before, working out rules and limits for research. Two years after the start of the covid-19 pandemic, for example, the World Health Organization published guidelines for managing risks in biological research. But the history is much deeper: Horrific episodes of human experimentation led to the establishment of institutional review boards to provide ethical oversight. In the early 1970s, in response to concerns over lab-acquired infections and growing use of biological warfare, the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention established biohazard safety levels (BSLs), which govern work on potentially dangerous biological experiments.

And in 1975—at the dawn of recombinant DNA research, which allows researchers to put genetic material from one organism into another—geneticists met at the Asilomar conference center in Pacific Grove, California, to hammer out rules governing the work. There were concerns over what would happen if some virus or bacterium, genetically engineered to have traits that would make it particularly dangerous for people, escaped from a lab. Scientists agreed to self-imposed restrictions, like a moratorium on research until new safety guidelines were in place. As a result of the meeting, in June 1976 the NIH issued rules that, among other things, categorized the risks associated with rDNA experiments and aligned them with the newly adopted BSL system.

Asilomar is often hailed as a successful model for scientific self-governance. But that perception reflects a tendency to recall the meeting through a nostalgic haze. “In fact, it was incredibly messy and human,” says Luis Campos, a historian of science at Rice University. Equally brilliant Nobelists argued on either side of the question of whether to rein in rDNA research. Technical discussions dominated; talks about who would be affected by the technology were missing. The meeting didn’t start establishing guidelines, says Campos, until the lawyers mentioned liability and lab leaks. 

For now it’s unclear whether these examples of self-­governance, which arose from the demonstrated risks of existing technologies, hold useful lessons for the mirror-life community. Three competing images of the future are coming into focus: Mirror life might not be possible, it might be possible but not threatening, or it might be possible and capable of obliterating all life on Earth. 

Scientists may be censoring themselves out of fear and speculation. To some, shutting down the work seems necessary and urgent; to others, it is unnecessarily limiting. What’s clear is that the question of what to do about mirror life has been both illuminating and disorienting, pushing scientists to interrogate not only their current research but where it might lead. This is uncharted territory. 

Stephen Ornes is a science writer based in Nashville, Tennessee.

Correction (April 15): An earlier version of this article incorrectly stated that David Relman briefed the National Security Agency. Relman says he briefed members of the national security community.

The problem with thinking you’re part Neanderthal

You’ve probably heard some version of this idea before: that many of us have an “inner Neanderthal.” That is to say, around 45,000 years ago, when Homo sapiens first arrived in Europe, they met members of a cousin species—the broad-browed, heavier-set Neanderthals—and, well, one thing led to another, which is why some people now carry a small amount of Neanderthal DNA. 

This DNA is arguably the 21st century’s most celebrated discovery in human evolution. It has been connected to all kinds of traits and health conditions, and it helped win the Swedish geneticist Svante Pääbo a Nobel Prize.

But in 2024, a pair of French population geneticists called into question the foundation of the popular and pervasive theory. 

Lounès Chikhi and Rémi Tournebize, then colleagues at the Université de Toulouse, proposed an alternative explanation for the very same genomic patterns. The problem, they said, was that the original evidence for the inner Neanderthal was based on a statistical assumption: that humans, Neanderthals, and their ancestors all mated randomly in huge, continent-size populations. That meant a person in South Africa was just as likely to reproduce with a person in West Africa or East Africa as with someone from their own community. 

Archaeological, genetic, and fossil evidence all shows, though, that Homo ­sapiens evolved in Africa in smaller groups, cut off from one another by deserts, mountains, and cultural divides. People sometimes crossed those barriers, but more often they partnered up within them. 

In the terminology of the field, this dynamic is called population structure. Because of structure, genes do not spread evenly through a population but can concentrate in some places and be totally absent from others. The human gene pool is not so much an Olympic-size swimming pool as a complex network of tidal pools whose connectivity ebbs and flows over time.

This dynamic greatly complicates the math at the heart of evolutionary biology, which long relied on assumptions like randomly mating populations to extract general principles from limited data. If you take structure into account, Chikhi told me recently, then there are other ways to explain the DNA that some living people share with Neanderthals—ways that don’t require any interspecies sex at all.

“I believe most species are spatially organized and structured in different, complex ways,” says Chikhi, who has researched population structure for more than two decades and has also studied lemurs, orangutans, and island birds. “It’s a general failure of our field that we do not compare our results in a clear way with alternative scenarios.” (Pääbo did not respond to multiple requests for comment.)

The inner Neanderthal became a story we could tell ourselves about our flaws and genetic destiny: Don’t blame me; blame the prognathic caveman hiding in my cells.

Chikhi and Tournebize’s argument is about population structure, yes, but at heart, it is actually one about methods—how modern evolutionary science deploys computer models and statistical techniques to make sense of mountains upon mountains of genetic data. 

They’re not the only scientists who are worried. “People think we really understand how genomes evolve and can write sophisticated algorithms for saying what happened,” says William Amos, a University of Cambridge population geneticist who has been critical of the “inner Neanderthal” theory. But, he adds, those models are “based on simple assumptions that are often wrong.” 

And if they’re wrong, what’s at stake is far more than a single evolutionary mystery. 

A captivating story of interspecies passion

Back in 2010, Pääbo’s lab pulled off something of a miracle. The researchers were able to extract DNA from nuclei in the cells of 40,000-year-old Neanderthal bones. DNA breaks down quickly after death, but the group got enough of it from three different individuals to produce a draft sequence of the entire Neanderthal genome, with 4 billion base pairs. 

As part of their study, they performed a statistical test comparing their Neanderthal genome with the genomes of five present-day people from different parts of the world. That’s how they discovered that modern humans of non-African ancestry had a small amount of DNA in common with Neanderthals, a species that diverged from the Homo sapiens line more than 400,000 years ago, that they did not share with either modern humans of African ancestry or our closest living relative, the chimpanzee. 

Neanderthal front and profile view
This model of a Neanderthal man was exhibited in the “Prehistory Gallery” at London’s Wellcome Historical Medical Museum in the 1930s.
WELLCOME COLLECTION

Pääbo’s team interpreted this as evidence of sexual reproduction between ancient Homo sapiens and the Neanderthals they encountered after they expanded out of Africa. “Neanderthals are not totally extinct,” Pääbo said to the BBC in 2010. “In some of us, they live on a little bit.”

The discovery was monumental on its own—but even more so because it reversed a previous consensus. More than a decade earlier, in 1997, Pääbo had sequenced a much smaller amount of Neanderthal DNA, in that case from a cell structure called a mitochondrion. It was different enough from Homo sapiens mitochondrial DNA for his team to cautiously conclude there had been “little or no interbreeding” between the two species. 

After 2010, though, the idea of hybridization, also called admixture, effectively became canon. Top journals like Science and Nature published study after study on the inner Neanderthal. Some scientists have argued that Homo sapiens would never have adapted to colder habitats in Europe and Asia without an infusion of Neanderthal DNA. Other research teams used Pääbo’s techniques to find genetic traces of interbreeding with an extinct group of hominins in Asia, called the Denisovans, and a mysterious “ghost lineage” in Africa. Biologists used similar tests to find evidence of interbreeding between chimpanzees and bonobos, polar and brown bears, and all kinds of other animals. 

The inner-Neanderthal hypothesis also took a turn for the personal. Various studies linked Neanderthal DNA to a head-spinning range of conditions: alcoholism, asthma, autism, ADHD, depression, diabetes, heart disease, skin cancer, and severe covid-19. Some researchers suggested that Neanderthal DNA had an impact on hair and skin color, while others assigned individuals a “NeanderScore” that was correlated with skull shape and prevalence of schizophrenia markers. Commercial genetic testing companies like 23andMe started offering customers Neanderthal ancestry reports. 

The inner Neanderthal became a story we could tell ourselves about our flaws and genetic destiny: Don’t blame me; blame the prognathic caveman hiding in my cells. Or as Latif Nasser, a host of the popular-science program Radiolab, put it when he was hospitalized with Crohn’s disease, another Neanderthal-associated condition: “I just keep imagining these tiny Neanderthals … just, like, stabbing me and drawing these little droplets of blood out of me.”

“These things become meaningful to people,” Chikhi says. “What we say will be important to how people view themselves.” 

The pitfalls of simplistic solutions 

When population geneticists built the theoretical framework for evolutionary biology in the early 20th century, genes were only abstract units of heredity inferred from experiments with peas and fruit flies. Population genetics developed theory far more quickly than it accumulated data. As a result, many data-driven scientists dismissed the study of evolution as a form of storytelling based on unexamined assumptions and preconceived ideas.

By the ’90s, though, genes were no longer abstractions but sequenced segments of DNA. Genomic sequencing grounded evolutionary studies in the kind of hard data that a chemist or physicist could respect. 

Yet biologists could not simply read evolutionary history from genomes as though they were books. They were trying to determine which of a nearly infinite number of plausible histories was the most likely to have created the patterns they observed in a small sample of genomes. For that, they needed simplified, algorithmic models of evolution. The study of evolution shifted from storytelling to statistics, and from biology to computer science. 

That suited Chikhi, who as a child was drawn to the predictable laws and numerical precision of math and science. He entered the field in the mid-’90s just as the first big studies of human DNA were settling old debates about human origins. DNA showed that Africa harbored far more genetic diversity than the entire rest of the planet. The new evidence supported the idea that modern humans evolved for hundreds of thousands of years in Africa and expanded to the other continents only in the last 100,000 years. For Chikhi, whose parents were Algerian immigrants, this discovery was a powerful challenge to the way some archaeologists and biologists talked about race. DNA could be used to deconstruct rather than encourage the pernicious idea that human races had deep-seated evolutionary differences based on their places of origin. 

At the same time, though, he was wary of the tendency to treat DNA as the final verdict on open questions in evolution. Chikhi had been surprised when, back in 1997, Pääbo and his team used that small amount of mitochondrial DNA to rule out hybridization between Homo sapiens and Neanderthals. He didn’t think that the absence of Neanderthal DNA there necessarily meant it wouldn’t be found elsewhere in the Homo sapiens genome.

Chikhi’s own research in the aughts opened his eyes to the gaps between historical reality and models of evolution. For one, despite the assumption of random mating, none of the animals Chikhi studied actually mated randomly. Orangutans lived in highly fragmented habitats, which restricted their pool of potential mates, and female birds were often extremely picky about their male partners. 

These factors could confound an evolutionary biologist’s traditional statistical tool kit. Scientists were starting to apply a mathematical technique to estimate historical population sizes for a species from the genome of just a single individual. This method showed sharp population declines in the histories of many different species. Chikhi realized, though, that the apparent declines could be an artifact of treating a structured population as one that evolved with random mating; in that case, the technique could indicate a bottleneck even if all the subgroups were actually growing in size. “This is completely counterintuitive,” he says. 

That’s at least partly why, when Pääbo’s 2010 Neanderthal genome came out, Chikhi was impressed with the sheer technical accomplishment but also leery of the findings about hybridization. “It was the type of thing we conclude too quickly based on genetic data,” he says. Pääbo’s work mentioned population structure as a possible alternative explanation—but didn’t follow up.

Just a couple of years later, a pair of independent scientists named Anders Eriksson and Andrea Manica picked up the idea, building a model with simple population structure that explicitly excluded admixture. They simulated human evolution starting from 500,000 years ago and found that their model produced the same genomic patterns Pääbo’s group had interpreted as evidence of hybridization.

“Working with structured models is really out of the comfort zone of a lot of population geneticists,” says Eriksson, now a professor at the University of Tartu in Estonia.

Their research impressed Chikhi. “At the time, I thought people would focus on population structure in the evolution of humans,” he says. Instead, he watched as the inner-Neanderthal hypothesis took on a life of its own. Scientists produced new methods to quantify hybridization but rarely examined whether population structure would yield the same results. To Chikhi, this wasn’t science; it was storytelling, like some of the old narratives about the evolution of racial differences. 

Chikhi and Tournebize decided to take a crack at the problem themselves. “I’ve always been very skeptical about science, and population genetics in particular,” says Tournebize, now a researcher at the French National Research Institute for Sustainable Development. “We make a lot of assumptions, and the models we use are very simplistic.” As detailed in a 2024 paper published in Nature Ecology & Evolution, they built a model of human evolution that replaced randomly mating continent-wide populations with many smaller populations linked by occasional migration. Then they let it run—a million times.

At the end of the simulation, they kept the 20 scenarios that produced genomes most similar to the ones in a sample of actual Homo sapiens and Neanderthals. Many of these scenarios produced long segments of DNA like the ones their peers argued could only have been inherited from Neanderthals. They showed that several statistics, which other scientists had proposed as measurements of Neanderthal DNA, couldn’t actually distinguish between hybridization and population structure. What’s more, they showed that many of the models that supported hybridization failed to accurately predict other known features of human evolution.

“A model will say there was admixture but then predict diversity that is totally incompatible with what we actually know of human diversity,” Chikhi says. “Nobody seems to care.”

So how did Neanderthal DNA wind up in living people if not via interspecies passion? Chikhi and Tournebize think it’s more likely that it was inherited by both Neanderthals and some sapiens groups in Africa from a common ancestor living at least half a million years ago. If the sapiens groups carrying those genetic variants included the people who migrated out of Africa, then the two human species would have already had the DNA in common when they came into contact in Europe and Asia—no sex required. 

“The interpretation of genetic data is not straightforward,” Chikhi says. “We always have to make assumptions. Nobody takes data and magically comes up with a solution.” 

Embracing the uncertainty 

Most of the half-dozen population geneticists I spoke with praised Chikhi and Tournebize’s ingenuity and appreciated the spirit of their critique. “Their paper forces us to think more critically about the model we use for inference and consider alternatives,” says Aaron Ragsdale, a population geneticist at the University of Wisconsin–Madison. His own work likewise suggests that the earliest Homo sapiens populations in Africa were probably structured—and that this is the likely reason for genomic patterns that other research groups had attributed to hybridization with a mysterious “ghost lineage” of hominins in Africa.

Yet most researchers still believe that modern humans and Neanderthals did probably have children with each other tens of thousands of years ago. Several pointed to the fact that fossil DNA of Homo sapiens who died thousands of years ago had longer chunks of apparent Neanderthal DNA than living people, which is exactly what you would expect if they had a more recent Neanderthal ancestor. (To address this possibility, Chikhi and Tournebize included DNA from 10 ancient humans in their study and found that most of them fit the structured model.) And while the Harvard population geneticist David Reich, who helped design the statistical test from Pääbo’s 2010 study, declined an interview, he did say he thought Chikhi and Tournebize’s model was “weak” and “very contrived,” adding that “there are multiple lines of evidence for Neanderthal admixture into modern humans that make the evidence for this overwhelming.” (Two other authors of that study, Richard Green and Nick Patterson, did not respond to requests for comment.) 

Nevertheless, most scientists these days welcome the development of structured, or “spatially explicit,” models that account for the fact that any given member of a population is usually more closely related to individuals living nearby than to those living far away. 

Loosening our attachment to certain narratives of evolution can create space for wonder at the sheer complexity of life’s history.

Other scientists also say that random mating isn’t the only assumption in population genetics that merits scrutiny. Models rarely factor in natural selection, which can also create genetic patterns that look like hybridization. Another common assumption is that everyone’s DNA mutates at the same, constant rate. “All the theory says the mutation rate is fixed,” says Amos, the Cambridge population geneticist. But he thinks that rate would have slowed drastically in the group of Homo sapiens that expanded to Europe around 45,000 years ago. This, too, could have created genomic patterns that other scientists interpret as evidence of interbreeding with Neanderthals. 

Commercial genetic testing companies like 23andMe started offering customers Neanderthal ancestry reports.
COURTESY OF 23ANDME

The point here isn’t that a complex model of evolution with many moving pieces is necessarily better than a simple one. Scientists need to reduce complexity in order to see the underlying processes more clearly. But simple models require assumptions, and scientists need to reevaluate those assumptions in light of what they learn. “As you get more data, you can justify more complex models of the world,” says Mark Thomas, a population geneticist at University College London, who wrote a history of random mating in population genetics that highlighted how the field was starting to see it as “a limiting assumption as opposed to a simplifying one.” 

It can feel discouraging to couch conversations about the past in confusing terms like “population structure” and “mutation rates.” It seems almost antithetical to the spirit of science to talk more about uncertainty at the same time we are developing powerful technologies and enormous data sets for analyzing evolution. These tools often yield novel answers, but they can also limit the questions we ask. The French archaeologist Ludovic Slimak, for example, has complained that the idea of the inner Neanderthal has domesticated our image of Neanderthals and made it difficult to imagine their humanity as distinct from our own. Investigating Neanderthal DNA is sexier to many young researchers than searching for archaeological and fossil evidence of how Neanderthals actually lived. 

Loosening our attachment to certain narratives of evolution can create space for wonder at the sheer complexity of life’s history. Ultimately, that’s what Chikhi and Tournebize hope to do. After all, they don’t believe the question of population structure versus hybridization is either-or. It’s possible, and even likely, that both played a role in human evolution. “Our structured model does not necessarily mean that no admixture ever took place,” Chikhi and Tournebize wrote in their study. “What our results suggest is that, if admixture ever occurred, it is currently hard to identify using existing methods.” 

Future methods might disentangle the different factors, but it’s just as important, Chikhi says, for scientists to be up-front about their assumptions and test alternatives. “There’s still so much uncertainty on so many aspects of the demographic history of Neanderthals and Homo sapiens,” he notes. 

Keep that in mind the next time you read about your inner Neanderthal. The association between this DNA and some diseases may be real, of course—but would journals publish these studies without the additional claim that the DNA is from Neanderthals? Any good storyteller knows that sex sells, even in science. 

Ben Crair is a science and travel writer based in Berlin.

Is fake grass a bad idea? The AstroTurf wars are far from over.

A rare warm spell in January melted enough snow to uncover Cornell University’s newest athletic field, built for field hockey. Months before, it was a meadow teeming with birds and bugs; now it’s more than an acre of synthetic turf roughly the color of the felt on a pool table, almost digital in its saturation. The day I walked up the hill from a nearby creek to take a look, the metal fence around the field was locked, but someone had left a hallway-size piece of the new simulated grass outside the perimeter. It was bristly and tough, but springy and squeaky under my booted feet. I could imagine running around on it, but it would definitely take some getting used to.

My companion on this walk seemed even less favorably disposed to the thought. Yayoi Koizumi, a local environmental advocate, has been fighting synthetic-turf projects at Cornell since 2023. A petite woman dressed that day in a faded plum coat over a teal vest, with a scarf the colors of salmon, slate, and sunflowers, Koizumi compulsively picked up plastic trash as we walked: a red Solo cup, a polyethylene Dunkin’ container, a five-foot vinyl panel. She couldn’t bear to leave this stuff behind to fragment into microplastic bits—as she believes the new field will. “They’ve covered the living ground in plastic,” she said. “It’s really maddening.” 

The new pitch is one part of a $70 million plan to build more recreational space at the university. As of this spring, Cornell plans to install something like a quarter million square feet of synthetic grass—what people have colloquially called “astroturf” since the middle of the last century. University PR says it will be an important part of a “health-promoting campus” that is “supportive of holistic individual, social, and ecological well-being.” Koizumi runs an anti-plastic environmental group called Zero Waste Ithaca, which says that’s mostly nonsense.

This fight is more than just the usual town-versus-gown tension. Synthetic turf used to be the stuff of professional sports arenas and maybe a suburban yard or two; today communities across the United States are debating whether to lay it down on playgrounds, parks, and dog runs. Proponents say it’s cheaper and hardier than grass, requiring less water, fertilizer, and maintenance—and that it offers a uniform surface for more hours and more days of the year than grass fields, a competitive advantage for athletes and schools hoping for a more robust athletic program.

But while new generations of synthetic turf look and feel better than that mid-century stuff, it’s still just plastic. Some evidence suggests it sheds bits that endanger users and the environment, and that it contains PFAS “forever chemicals”—per- and polyfluoroalkyl substances, which are linked to a host of health issues. The padding within the plastic grass is usually made from shredded tires, which might also pose health risks. And plastic fields need to be replaced about once a decade, creating lots of waste.

Yet people are buying a lot of the stuff. In 2001, Americans installed just over 7 million square meters of synthetic turf, just shy of 11,000 metric tons. By 2024, that number was 79 million square meters—enough to carpet all of Manhattan and then some, almost 120,000 metric tons. Synthetic turf covers 20,000 athletic fields and tens of thousands of parks, playgrounds, and backyards. And the US is just 20% of the global market. 

Where real estate is limited and demand for athletic facilities is high, artificial turf is tempting. “It all comes down to land and demand.”

Frank Rossi, professor of turf science, Cornell

Those increases worry folks who study microplastics and environmental pollution. Any actual risk is hard to parse; the plastic-making industry insists that synthetic fields are safe if properly installed, but lots of researchers think that isn’t so. “They’re very expensive, they contain toxic chemicals, and they put kids at unnecessary risk,” says Philip Landrigan, a Boston College epidemiologist who has studied environmental toxins like lead and microplastics.

But at Cornell, where real estate is limited and demand for athletic facilities is high, synthetic turf was a tempting option. As Frank Rossi, a professor of turf science at Cornell, told me: “It all comes down to land and demand.”


In 1965, Houston’s new, domed base­ball stadium was an icon of space-age design. But the Astrodome had a problem: the sun. Deep in the heart of Texas, it shined brightly through the Astrodome’s skylights—so much so that players kept missing fly balls. So the club painted over the skylights. Denied sunlight, the grass in the outfield withered and died.

A replacement was already in the works. In the late 1950s a Ford Foundation–funded educational laboratory determined that a soft, grasslike surface material would give city kids more places to play outside and had prevailed upon the Monsanto corporation to invent one. The result was clipped blades of nylon stuck to a rubber base, which the company called ChemGrass. Down it went into Houston’s outfield, where it got a new, buzzier name: AstroTurf.

Workers lay artificial turf at the Astrodome in Houston on July 13, 1966. Developed by Monsanto, the material was originally known as ChemGrass but was later renamed AstroTurf after the stadium.
AP PHOTO/ED KOLENOVSKY, FILE

That first generation of simulated lawn was brittle and hard, but quality has improved. Today, there are a few competing products, but they’re all made by extruding a petroleum-based polymer—that’s plastic—through tiny holes and then stitching or fusing the resulting fibers to a carpetlike bottom. That gets attached to some kind of padding, also plastic. In the 1970s the industry started layering that over infill, usually sand; by the 1990s, “third generation” synthetic turf had switched to softer fibers made of polyethylene. Beneath that, they added infill that combined sand and a soft, cheap shredded rubber made from discarded automobile tires, which pile up by the hundreds of millions every year. This “crumb rubber” provides padding and fills spaces between the blades and the backing.

In the early 1980s, nearly half the professional baseball and football fields in the US had synthetic turf. But many players didn’t like it. It got hotter than real grass, gave the ball different action, and seemed to be increasing the rate of injuries among athletes. Since the 1990s, most pro sports have shifted back toward grass—water and maintenance costs pale in comparison to the importance of keeping players happy or sparing them the risk of injury. 

But at the same time, more universities and high schools are buying the artificial stuff. The advantages are clear, especially in places where it rains either too much or not enough. A natural-grass field is usable for a little more than 800 hours a year at the most, spread across just eight months in the cooler, wetter northern US. An artificial-turf field can see 3,000 hours of activity per year. For sports like lacrosse, which begins in late winter, this makes artificial turf more appealing. Most lacrosse pitches are now synthetic. So are almost all field hockey pitches; players like the way the even, springy turf makes the ball bounce.

Furthermore, supporters say synthetic turf needs less maintenance than grass, saving money and resources. That’s not always true; workers still have to decompact the playing surface and hose it off to remove bird poop or cool it down. Sometimes the infill needs topping up. But real grass allows less playing time, and because grass athletic fields often need to be rotated to avoid damage, synthetic ground cover can require less space. Hence the market’s explosive growth in the 21st century.


The city and town of Ithaca—two separate political entities with overlapping jurisdiction over Cornell construction projects—held multiple public meetings about the university’s new synthetic fields: the field hockey pitch and a complex called the Meinig Fieldhouse. Koizumi’s group turned up in force, and a few folks who worked at Cornell came to oppose the idea too—submitting pages of citations and studies on the risks of synthetic grass.

At two of those meetings, dozens of Cornell athletes turned out to support the turf. Representatives of the university and the athletic department declined to speak with me for this story, citing an ongoing lawsuit from Zero Waste Ithaca. But before that, Nicki Moore, Cornell’s director of athletics, told a local newspaper that demand from campus groups and sports teams meant the fields were constantly overcrowded. “Activities get bumped later and later, and sometimes varsity teams won’t start practicing until 10 at night, you know?” Moore told the paper. “Availability of all-weather space should normalize scheduling a great deal.”

That argument wasn’t universally convincing. “It’s a bad idea, but that’s from the environmental perspective,” says Marianne Krasny, director of Cornell’s Civic Ecology Lab and one of the speakers at those hearings. “Obviously the athletic department thinks it’s a great idea.”

square patch of artificial turf

GETTY IMAGES

Members of Cornell on Fire, a climate action group with members from both the university and the town, joined in opposing the use of artificial turf, citing the fossil-fuel origins of the stuff. They described the nominal support of the project from student athletes as inauthentic, representing not grassroots support but, yes, an astroturf campaign. 

Sorting out the actual science here isn’t simple. Over time, the plastic that synthetic turf is made of sheds bits of itself into the environment. In one study, published in 2023 in the journal Environmental Pollution, researchers found that 15% of the medium-­size and microplastic particles in a river and the Mediterranean Sea outside Barcelona, Spain, came from artificial turf, mostly in the form of tiny green fibers. Back in 2020, the European Chemicals Agency estimated that infill material from artificial-­turf fields in the European Union was contributing 16,000 metric tons of microplastics to the environment each year—38% of all annual microplastic pollution. Most of that came from the crumb rubber infill, which Europe now plans to ban by 2031. 

This pollution worries the Cornell activists. Ithaca is famous for scenic gorges and waterways. The new field hockey pitch is uphill from a local creek that empties into Cayuga Lake, the longest of the Finger Lakes and the source of drinking water for over 40,000 people.

And it’s not just the plastic bits. When newer generations of synthetic turf switched to durable high-density polyethylene, the new material gunked up the extruders used in the manufacturing process. So turf makers started adding fluorinated polymers—a type of PFAS. Some of these environmentally persistent “forever chemicals” cause cancer, disrupt the endocrine system, or lead to other health problems. Research in several different labs has found PFAS in many types of plastic grass.

But the key to assessing the threat here is exposure. Heather Whitehead, an analytical chemist then at the University of Notre Dame, found PFAS in synthetic turf at levels around five parts per billion—but estimated it’d be in water running off the fields at three parts per trillion; for context, the US Environmental Protection Agency’s legal drinking-water limit on one of the most widespread and dangerous PFAS chemicals is four parts per trillion. “These chemicals will wash off in small amounts for long periods of time,” says Graham Peaslee, Whitehead’s advisor and an emeritus nuclear physicist who studies PFAS concentrations. “I think it’s reason enough not to have artificial turf.”

This gets confusing, though. There are over 16,000 different types of PFAS, few have been well studied, and different ­companies use different manufacturing techniques. Companies represented by the Synthetic Turf Council now “use zero intentionally added PFAS,” says Melanie Taylor, the group’s president. “This means that as the field rolls off the assembly line, there are zero PFAS-formulated materials present.”

Some researchers are skeptical of the industry’s assurances. They’re hard to confirm, especially because there are a lot of ways to test for PFAS. The type of synthetic turf going onto the new field hockey pitch at Cornell is called GreenFields TX; the university had a sample tested using an EPA method that looks for 40 different PFAS compounds. It came back negative for all of them. The local activists countered that the test doesn’t detect the specific types they’re most concerned about, and in 2025 they paid for three more tests on newly purchased synthetic turf. Two clearly found fluorine—the F in “PFAS”—and one identified two distinct PFAS compounds. (The company that makes GreenFields TX, TenCate, declined to comment, citing ongoing litigation.)

PFAS isn’t the only potential problem. There’s also the crumb rubber made from tires. A billion tires get thrown out every year worldwide, and if they aren’t recycled they sit in giant piles that make great habitats for rats and mosquitoes; they also occasionally catch fire. Lots of the tires that go into turf are made of styrene-­butadiene rubber, or SBR. In bulk, that’s bad. Butadiene is a carcinogen that causes leukemia, and fumes from styrene can cause nervous system damage. SBR also contains high levels of lead.

But how much of that comes out of synthetic-­turf infill? Again, that’s hotly debated. Researchers around the world have published suggestive studies finding potentially dangerous levels of heavy metals like zinc and lead in synthetic turf, with possible health risks to people using the fields. But a review of many of the relevant studies on turf and crumb rubber from Canada’s National Collaborating Centre for Environmental Health determined that most well-conducted health risk assessments over the last decade found exposures below levels of concern for cancer and certain other diseases. A 2017 report by the European Chemicals Agency—the same people who found all those microplastics in the environment—“found no reason to advise people against playing sports on synthetic turf containing recycled rubber granules as infill material.” And a multiyear study from the EPA, published in 2024, found much the same thing—although the researchers said that levels of certain synthetic chemicals were elevated inside places that used indoor artificial turf. They also stressed that the paper was not a risk assessment. 

The problem is, the kinds of cancers these chemicals can cause may take decades to show up. Long-term studies haven’t been done yet. All the evidence available so far is anecdotal—like a series for the Philadelphia Inquirer that linked the deaths of six former Phillies players from a rare type of brain cancer called glioblastoma to years spent playing on PFAS-containing artificial turf. That’d be about three times the usual rate of glioblastoma among adult men, but the report comes with a lot of cautions—small sample size, lots of other potential causes, no way to establish causation.

Synthetic turf has one negative that no one really disputes: It gets very hot in the sun—as hot as 150 °F (66 °C). This can actually burn players, so they often want to avoid using a field on very hot days.

A field hockey player from Cornell University passes the ball during a game played on artificial turf at Bryant University in 2025. Cornell’s own turf field will be ready for the 2026 season.
GETTY IMAGES

Athletes playing on artificial turf also have a higher rate of foot and ankle injuries, and elite-level football players seem to be more predisposed to knee injuries on those surfaces. But other studies have found rates of knee and hip injury to be roughly comparable on artificial and natural turf—a point the landscape architect working on the Cornell project made in the information packet the university sent to the city. Athletic departments and city parks departments say that the material’s upsides make it worthwhile, given that there’s no conclusive proof of harm.

Back in Ithaca, Cornell hired an environmental consulting firm called Haley & Aldrich to assess the evidence. The company concluded that none of the university’s proposed installations of artificial turf would have a negative environmental impact. People from Cornell on Fire and Zero Waste Ithaca told me they didn’t trust the firm’s findings; representatives from Haley & Aldrich declined to comment.

Longtime activists say that as global consumption of fossil fuels declines, petrochemical companies are desperate to find other markets. That means plastics. “There’s a big push to shift more petrochemicals into plastic products for an end market,” says Jeff Gearhart, a consumer product researcher at the Ecology Center. “Industry people, with a vested interest in petrochemicals, are looking to expand and build out alternative markets for this stuff.”

All that and more went before the decision-­makers in Ithaca. In September 2024, the City of Ithaca Planning Board unanimously issued a judgment that the Meinig Fieldhouse would not have a significant environmental impact and thus would not need to complete a full environmental impact assessment. Six months later, the town made the same determination for the field hockey pitch.

Zero Waste Ithaca sued in New York’s supreme court, which ruled against the group. Koizumi and lawyers from Pace University’s Environmental Litigation Clinic have appealed. She says she’s still hopeful the court might agree that Ithaca authorities made a mistake by not requiring an environmental impact statement from the college. “We have the science on our side,” she says.


Ithaca is a pretty rarefied place, an Ivy League university town. But these same tensions—potential long-term environmental and public health consequences versus the financial and maintenance concerns of the now—are pitting worried citizens against their representatives and city agencies around the country. 

New York City has 286 municipal synthetic-­turf fields, with more under construction. In Inwood, the northernmost neighborhood in Manhattan, two fields were approved via Zoom meetings during the pandemic, and Massimo Strino, a local artist who makes kaleidoscopes, says he found out only when he saw signs announcing the work on one of his daily walks in Inwood Hill Park, along the Hudson River. He joined a campaign against the plan, gathering more than 4,300 signatures. “I was canvassing every weekend,” Strino says. “You can count on one hand, literally, the number of people who said they were in favor.” 

But that doesn’t include the group that pushed for one of those fields in the first place: Uptown Soccer, which offers free and low-cost lessons and games to 1,000 kids a year, mostly from underserved immigrant families. “It was turning an unused community space into a usable space,” says David Sykes, the group’s executive director. “That trumped the sort of abstract concerns about the environmental impacts. I’m not an expert in artificial turf, but the parks department assured me that there was no risk of health effects.”

Artificial turf doesn’t go away. “You’re going to be paying to get rid of it. Somebody will have to take it to a dump, where it will sit for a thousand years.”

Graham Peaslee, emeritus nuclear physicist studying PFAS concentrations, University of Notre Dame

New York City councilmember Christopher Marte disagrees. He has introduced a bill to ban new artificial turf from being installed in parks, and he hopes the proposal will be taken up by the Parks Committee this spring. Last session, the bill had 10 cosponsors—that’s a lot. Marte says he expects resistance from lobbyists, but there’s precedent. The city of Boston banned artificial turf in 2022.  

Upstate, in a Rochester suburb called Brighton, the school district included synthetic-­turf baseball and softball diamonds in a wide-ranging February 2024 capital improvement proposition. The measure passed. In a public meeting in November 2025, the school board acknowledged the intent to use synthetic grass—or, as concerned parents had it, “to rip up a quarter ­million square feet of this open space and replace it with artificial turf,” says David Masur, executive director of the environmental group PennEnvironment, whose kids attend school in Brighton. Parents and community members mobilized against the plan, further angered when contractors also cut down a beloved 200-year-old tree. School superintendent Kevin McGowan says it’s too late to change course. Masur has been working to oppose the plan nevertheless—he says school boards are making consequential decisions about turf without sharing information or getting input, even though these fields can cost millions of dollars of taxpayer money.

In short, the fights can get tense. On Martha’s Vineyard, in Massachusetts, a meeting about plans to install an artificial field at a local high school had to be ended early amid verbal abuse. A staffer for the local board of health who voiced concern about PFAS in the turf quit the board after discovering bullet casings in her tote bag, she said, which she perceived as a death threat. After an eight-year fight, the board eventually banned artificial turf altogether. 


What happens next? Well, outdoor artificial turf lasts only eight to 12 years before it needs to be taken up and replaced. The Synthetic Turf Council says it’s at least partially recyclable and cites a company called BestPLUS Plastic Lumber as a purveyor of products made from recycled turf. The company says one of its products, a liner called GreenBoard that artificial turf can be nailed into, is at least 40% recycled from fake grass. Joseph Sadlier, vice president and general manager of plastics recycling at BestPLUS, says the company recycles over 10 million pounds annually. 

Yet the material is piling up. In 2021, a Danish company called Re-Match announced plans to open a recycling plant in Pennsylvania and began amassing thousands of tons of used plastic turf in three locations. The company filed for bankruptcy in 2025.

In Ithaca, university representatives told planning boards that it would be possible to recycle the old artificial turf they ripped out to make way for the Meinig Fieldhouse. That didn’t happen. An anonymous local activist tracked the old rolls to a hauling company a half-hour’s drive south of campus and shared pictures of them sitting on the lot, where they stayed for months. It’s unclear what their ultimate fate will be.

That’s the real problem: Artificial turf just doesn’t go away. “You’re going to be paying to get rid of it,” says Peaslee, the PFAS expert. “Somebody will have to take it to a dump, where it will sit for a thousand years.” At minimum, real grass is a net carbon sink, even including installation and maintenance. Synthetic turf releases greenhouse gases. One life-­cycle analysis of a 2.2-acre synthetic field in Toronto determined that it would emit 55 metric tons of carbon dioxide over a decade. Plastic fields need less water to maintain, but it takes water to make plastic, and natural grass lets rainwater seep into the ground. Synthetic turf sends most of it away as runoff.

It’s a boggling set of issues to factor into a decision. Rossi, the Cornell turf scientist, says he can understand why a school in the northern United States might go plastic, even when it cares about its students’ health. “It was the best bad option,” he says. Concerns about microplastics and PFAS are “significant issues we have not fully addressed.” And they need to be. 

Douglas Main is a journalist and former senior editor and writer at National Geographic.

Inside Chicago’s surveillance panopticon

Early on the morning of September 2, 2024, a Chicago Transit Authority Blue Line train was the scene of a random and horrific mass shooting. Four people were shot and killed on a westbound train as it approached the suburb of Forest Park. 

The police swiftly activated a digital dragnet—a surveillance network that connects thousands of cameras in the city. 

The process began with a quick review of the transit agency’s surveillance cameras, which captured the alleged gunman shooting the victims execution style. Law enforcement followed the suspect, through real-time footage, across the rapid-­transit system. Police officials circulated the images to transit staff and to thousands of officers. An officer in the adjacent suburb of Riverdale recognized the suspect from a previous arrest. By the time he was captured at another train station, just 90 minutes after the shooting, authorities already had his name, address, and previous arrest history.

Little of this process would come as much surprise to Chicagoans. The city has tens of thousands of surveillance cameras—up to 45,000, by some estimates. That’s among the highest numbers per capita in the US. Chicago boasts one of the largest license plate reader systems in the country, and the ability to access audio and video surveillance from independent agencies such as the Chicago Public Schools, the Chicago Park District, and the public transportation system as well as many residential and commercial security systems such as Ring doorbell cameras. 

Law enforcement and security advocates say this vast monitoring system protects public safety and works well. But activists and many residents say it’s a surveillance panopticon that creates a chilling effect on behavior and violates guarantees of privacy and free speech. 

Black and Latino communities in Chicago have historically been targeted by excessive policing and surveillance, says Lance Williams, a scholar of urban violence at Northeastern Illinois University. That scrutiny has created new problems without delivering the promised safety, he suggests. In order to “solve the problem of crime or violence and make these communities safer,” he says, “you have to deal with structural problems,” such as the shortage of livable-wage jobs, affordable housing, and mental-health services across the city.

Recent years have seen some effective pushback against the surveillance. Until recently, for example, the city was the largest customer of ShotSpotter acoustic sensors, which are designed to detect gunfire and alert police. The system was introduced in a small area on the South Side in 2012. By 2018, an area of about 136 square miles—some 60% of the city—was covered by the acoustic surveillance network.

Critics questioned ShotSpotter’s effectiveness and objected that the sensors were installed largely in Black and Latino neighborhoods. Those critiques gained urgency with the fatal shooting in March 2021 of a 13-year-old, Adam Toledo, by police responding to a ShotSpotter alert. The tragedy became the touchstone of the #StopShotSpotter protest movement and one of the major issues in Brandon Johnson’s successful mayoral campaign in 2023. When he reached office, Johnson followed through, ending the city’s contract with SoundThinking, the San Francisco Bay Area company behind ShotSpotter. In total, it’s estimated, the city paid more than $53 million for the system. 

In response to a request for comment, SoundThinking said that ShotSpotter enables law enforcement “to reach the scene faster, render aid to victims, and locate evidence more effectively.” It said the company “plays no part in the selection of deployment areas” but added: “We believe communities experiencing the highest levels of gun violence deserve the same rapid emergency response as any other neighborhood.” 

While there has been successful resistance to police surveillance in the nation’s third-largest city, there are also countervailing forces: Governments and officials in Chicago and the surrounding suburbs are moving to expand the use of surveillance, also in response to public pressure. Even the victory against acoustic surveillance might be short-lived. Early last year, the city issued a request for proposals for gun violence detection technology. 

Many people in and around Chicago—digital privacy and surveillance activists, defense attorneys, law enforcement officials, and ordinary citizens—are part of this push and pull. Here are some of their stories. 


Alejandro Ruizesparza and Freddy Martinez
Cofounders, Lucy Parsons Labs

Oak Park, a quiet suburb at Chicago’s western border, is the birthplace of Ernest Hemingway. It includes the world’s largest collection of Frank Lloyd Wright–designed buildings and homes. 

Until recently, the village of Oak Park was also the center of a three-year-long campaign against an unwelcome addition to its manicured lawns and Prairie-style architecture: automated license plate readers from a company called Flock Safety. These are high-speed cameras that automatically scan license plates to look for stolen or wanted vehicles, or for drivers with outstanding warrants. 

Freddy Martinez (left) and Alejandro Ruizesparza (right) direct Lucy Parsons Labs, a charitable organization focused on digital rights.
AKILAH TOWNSEND

An Oak Park group called Freedom to Thrive—made up of parents, activists, lawyers, data scientists, and many others—suspected that this technology was not a good or equitable addition to their neighborhood. So the group engaged the Chicago-based nonprofit Lucy Parsons Labs to help navigate the often intimidating process of requesting license plate reader data under the Illinois Freedom of Information Act.

Lucy Parsons Labs, which is named for a turn-of-the-century Chicago labor organizer, investigates technologies such as license plate readers, gunshot detection systems, and police bodycams. 

LPL provides digital security and public records training to a variety of groups and is frequently called on to help community members audit and analyze surveillance systems that are targeting their neighborhoods. It’s led by two first-­generation Mexican-Americans from the city’s Southwest Side. Alejandro Ruizesparza has a background in community organizing and data science. Freddy Martinez was also a community organizer and has a background in physics. 

The group is now approaching its 10th year, but it was an all-volunteer effort until 2022. That’s when LPL received its first unrestricted, multi-year operational grant from a large foundation: the Chicago-based John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, known worldwide for its so-called “genius grants.” A grant from the Ford Foundation followed the next year. 

The additional resources—a significant amount compared with the previous all-volunteer budget, acknowledges Ruizesparza—meant the two cofounders and two volunteers became full-time employees. But the group is determined not to become “too comfortable” and lose its edge. There is a tenacity to Lucy Parsons Labs’ work—a “sense of scrappiness,” they say—because “we did so much of this work with no money.” 

One of LPL’s primary strategies is filing extensive FOIA requests for raw data sets of police surveillance. The process can take a while, but it often reveals issues. 

In the case of Oak Park, the FOIA requests were just one tool that Freedom to Thrive and LPL used to sort out what was going on. The data revealed that in the first 10 months of operation, the eight Flock license plate readers the town had deployed scanned 3,000,000 plates. But only 42 scans led to an alert—an infinitesimal yield of 0.000014%. 

At the same time, the impact was disproportionate. While Oak Park’s population of about 53,000 is only 19% Black, Black drivers made up 85% of those flagged by the Flock cameras, seemingly amplifying what were already concerning racial disparities in the village’s traffic stops. Flock did not respond to a request for comment.

“We became almost de facto experts in navigating the process and the law. I think that sort of speaks to some of the DIY punk aesthetic.”

Freddy Martinez, cofounder, Lucy Parsons Labs

LPL brings a mix of radical politics and critical theory to its mission. Most surveillance technologies are “largely extensions of the plantation systems,” says Ruizesparza. 

The comparison makes sense: Many slaveholding communities required enslaved persons to carry signed documents to leave plantations and wear badges with numbers sewn to their clothing. The group says it aims to empower local communities to push back against biased policing technologies through technical assistance, training, and litigation—and to de­mystify algorithms and surveillance tools in the process.

“When we talk to people, they realize that you don’t need to know how to run a regression to understand that a technology has negative implications on your life,” says Ruizesparza. “You don’t need to understand how circuits work to understand that you probably shouldn’t have all of these cameras embedded in only Black and brown regions of a city.”

The group came by some of its techniques through experimentation. “When LPL was first getting started, we didn’t really feel like FOIA would have been a good way of getting information. We didn’t know anything about it,” says Martinez. “Along the way, we were very successful in uncovering a lot of surveillance practices.” 

One of the covert surveillance practices uncovered by those aggressive FOIA requests, for example, was the Chicago Police Department’s use of “Stingray” equipment, portable surveillance devices deployed to track and monitor mobile phones. 

The contentious issue of Oak Park’s license plate readers was finally put to a vote in late August. The village trustees voted 5–2 to terminate the contract with Flock Safety. 

Since then, community-­based groups from across the country—as far away as California—have contacted LPL to say the Chicago collective’s work has inspired their own efforts, says Martinez: “We became almost de facto experts in navigating the process and the law. I think that sort of speaks to some of the DIY punk aesthetic.”


Brian Strockis
Chief, Oak Brook Police Department

If you drive about 20 miles west of Chicago, you’ll find Oakbrook Center, one of the nation’s leading luxury shopping destinations. The open-air mall includes Neiman-Marcus, Louis Vuitton, and Gucci and attracts high-end shoppers from across the region. It’s also become a destination for retail theft crews that coordinate “smash and grabs” and often escape with thousands of dollars’ worth of inventory that can be quickly sold, such as sunglasses or luxury handbags. 

In early December, police say, a Chicago man tried to lead officers on what could have been a dangerous high-speed chase from the mall. Patrol cars raced to the scene. So did a “first responder drone,” built by Flock Safety and deployed by the Oak Brook Police Department.  

The drone identified the suspect vehicle from the mall parking lot using its license plate reader and snapped high-definition photos that were texted to officers on the ground. The suspect was later tracked to Chicago, where he was arrested. 

Brian Strockis, chief of the Oak Brook Police Department, led the way in introducing drones as first responders in the state of Illinois.
AKILAH TOWNSEND

This was the type of outcome that Brian Strockis, chief of the Oak Brook Police Department, hoped for when he pioneered the “drone as first responder,” or DFR, program in Illinois. A longtime member of the force, he joined the department almost 25 years ago as a patrol officer, worked his way up the brass ladder, and was awarded the top job in 2022. 

Oak Brook was the first municipality in Illinois to deploy a drone as a first responder. One of the main reasons, says Strockis, was to reduce the number of high-speed chases, which are potentially dangerous to officers, suspects, and civilians. A drone is also a more effective and cost-efficient way to deal with suspects in fleeing vehicles, says Strockis.

Police say there was the potential for a dangerous high-speed chase. Patrol cars raced to the scene. But the first unit to arrive was a drone.

“It’s a force multiplier in that we’re able to do more with less,” says the chief, who spoke with me in his office at Oak Brook’s Village Hall. 

The department’s drone autonomously launches from the roof of the building and responds to about 10 to 12 service calls per day, at speeds up to 45 miles per hour. It arrives at crime scenes before patrol officers in nine out of every 10 cases.

Next door to Village Hall is the Oak Brook Police Department’s real-time crime center, a large room with two video walls that integrates livestreams from the first-responder drone, handheld drones, traffic cameras, license plate readers, and about a thousand private security cameras. When I visited, the two DFR operators demonstrated how the machine can fly itself or be directed to locations from a destination entered on Google Maps. They sent it off to a nearby forest preserve and then directed it to return to the rooftop base, where it docks automatically, changes batteries, and charges. After the demo, one of the drone operators logged the flight, as required by state law.

Strockis says he is aware of the privacy concerns around using this technology but that protections are in place. 

For example, the drone cannot be used for random or mass surveillance, he says, because the camera is always pointed straight ahead during flight and does not angle down until it reaches its desired location. The drone’s payload does not include facial recognition technology, which is restricted by state law, he says. 

The drone video footage is invaluable, he adds, because “you are seeing the events as they’re transpiring from an angle that you wouldn’t otherwise be privy to.” 

It’s an extra layer of protection for the public as well as for the officers, says the chief: “For every incident that an officer responds to now, you have squad car and bodycam video. You likely have cell-phone video from the public, officers, complainants, from offenders. So adding this element is probably the best video source on a scene that the police are going to anyway.”


Mark Wallace
Executive director, Citizens to Abolish Red Light Cameras

Mark Wallace wears several hats. By day he is a real estate investor and mortgage lender. But he is probably best known to many Chicagoans—especially across the city’s largely African-American communities on the South and West Sides—as a talk radio host for the station WVON and one of the leading voices against the city’s extensive network of red-light and speed cameras. 

For the past two decades, city officials have maintained that the cameras—which are officially known as “automated enforcement”—are a crucial safety measure. They are also a substantial revenue stream, generating around $150 million a year and a total of some $2.5 billion since they were installed.

Urged on by a radio listener, Mark Wallace started organizing against Chicago’s red-light and speed cameras, a substantial revenue stream for the city that has been found to disproportionately burden majority Black and Latino areas.
AKILAH TOWNSEND

“The one thing that the cameras have the ability to do is generate a lot of money,” Wallace says. He describes the tickets as a “cash grab” that disproportionately affects Black and Latino communities.

A groundbreaking 2022 analysis by ProPublica found, in fact, that households in majority Black and Latino zip codes were ticketed at much higher rates than others, in part because the cameras in those areas were more likely to be installed near expressway ramps and on wider streets, which encouraged faster speeds. The tickets, which can quickly rack up late fees, were also found to cause more of a financial burden in such communities, the report found.

These were some of the same concerns that many people expressed on the radio and in meetings, Wallace says. 

Chicago’s automated traffic enforcement began in 2003, and it became the most extensive—and most lucrative—such program in the country. About 300 red-light cameras and 200 speed cameras are set up near schools and parks. The cost of the tickets can quickly double if they are not paid or contested—providing a windfall for the city.  

Wallace began his advocacy against the cameras soon after arriving at the radio station in the early 2010s. A younger listener called in and said, he recalls, “that he enjoyed the information that came from WVON but that we didn’t do anything.” The comment stuck with him, especially in light of WVON’s storied history. The station was closely involved in the civil rights movement of the 1960s and broadcast Martin Luther King Jr.’s speeches during his Chicago campaign.

Wallace hoped to change the caller’s perception about the station. He had firsthand experience with red-light cameras,  having been ticketed himself, and decided to take them on as a cause. He scheduled a meeting at his church for a Friday night, promoting it on his show. “More than 300 people showed up,” he remembers, chatting with me in the spacious project studio and office in the basement of his townhouse on the city’s South Side. “That said to me there are a lot of people who see this in­equity and injustice.” 

Wallace began using his platform on WVON—The People’s Show—to mobilize communities around social and economic justice, and many discussions revolved around the automated enforcement program. The cause gained traction after city and state officials were found to have taken thousands of dollars from technology and surveillance companies to make sure their cameras remained on the streets.

Wallace and his group, Citizens to Abolish Red Light Cameras, want to repeal the ordinances authorizing the city’s camera programs. That hasn’t happened so far, but political pressure from the group paved the way for a Chicago City Council ordinance that required public meetings before any red-light cameras are installed, removed, or relocated. The group hopes for more restrictions for speed cameras, too.

“It was never about me personally. It was about ensuring that we could demonstrate to people that you have power,” says Wallace. “If you don’t like something, as Barack Obama would say, get a pen and clipboard and go to work to fight to make these changes.” 


Jonathan Manes
Senior counsel, MacArthur Justice Center

Derick Scruggs, a 30-year-old father and licensed armed security guard, was working in the parking lot of an AutoZone on Chicago’s Southwest Side on April 19, 2021. That’s when he was detained, interrogated, and subjected to a “humiliating body search” by two Chicago police officers, Scruggs later attested. “I was just doing my job when police officers came at me, handcuffed me, and treated me like a criminal—just because I was near a ShotSpotter alert,” he says.

The officers found no evidence of a shooting and released Scruggs. But the next day, the police returned and arrested him for an alleged violation related to his security guard paperwork. Prosecutors later dismissed the charges, but he was held in custody overnight and was then fired from his job. “Because of what they did,” he says, “I lost my job, couldn’t work for months, and got evicted from my apartment.”

Jonathan Manes litigated cases related to detentions at Guantanamo Bay and the legality of drone strikes before turning his attention to Chicago’s implementation of gunshot detection technology.
AKILAH TOWNSEND

Scruggs is believed to be among thousands of Chicagoans who’ve been questioned, detained, or arrested by police because they were near the location of a ShotSpotter alert, according to an analysis by the City of Chicago Office of Inspector General. The case caught the attention of Jonathan Manes, a law professor at Northwestern and senior counsel at the MacArthur Justice Center, a public interest law firm. 

Manes previously worked in national security law, but when he joined the justice center about six years ago, he chose to focus squarely on the intersection of civil rights with police surveillance and technology. “My goal was to identify areas that weren’t well covered by other civil rights organizations but were a concern for people here in Chicago,” he says. 

“There is a need for much broader structural change to how the city chooses to use surveillance technology and then deploys it.”

Jonathan Manes, senior counsel, MacArthur Justice Center

And when he and his colleagues looked into ShotSpotter, they revealed a disturbing problem: The system generated alerts that yielded no evidence of gun-­related crimes but were used by police as a pretext for other actions. There seemed to be “a pattern of people being stopped, detained, questioned, sometimes arrested, in response to a ShotSpotter alert—often resulting in charges that have nothing to do with guns,” Manes says. 

The system also directed a “massive number of police deployments onto the South and West Sides of the city,” Manes says. Those regions are home to most of Chicago’s Black and Latino residents. The research showed that 80% of the city’s Black population but only 30% of its white population lived in districts covered by the system. 

Manes brought Scruggs’s case into a lawsuit that he was already developing against the city’s use of ShotSpotter. In late 2025, he and his colleagues reached a settlement that prohibits police officers from doing what they did in Scruggs’s case—stopping or searching people simply because they are near the location of a gunshot detection alert. 

Chicago had already decommissioned ShotSpotter in 2024, but the agreement will cover any future gunshot detection systems. Manes is carefully watching to see what happens next.

Though Manes is pleased with the settlement, he points out that it narrowly focused on how police resources were used after the gunshot detection system was operational. “There is a need for much broader structural change to how the city chooses to use surveillance technology and then deploys it,” he adds. He supports laws that require disclosure from local officials and law enforcement about what technologies are being proposed and how civil rights could be affected.  

More than two dozen jurisdictions nationwide have adopted surveillance transparency laws, including San Francisco, Seattle, Boston, and New York City. But so far Chicago is not on that list. 

Rod McCullom is a Chicago-based science and technology writer whose focus areas include AI, biometrics, cognition, and the science of crime and violence.  

How uncrewed narco subs could transform the Colombian drug trade

On a bright morning last April, a surveillance plane operated by the Colombian military spotted a 40-foot-long shark-like silhouette idling in the ocean just off Tayrona National Park. It was, unmistakably, a “narco sub,” a stealthy fiberglass vessel that sails with its hull almost entirely underwater, used by drug cartels to move cocaine north. The plane’s crew radioed it in, and eventually nearby coast guard boats got the order, routine but urgent: Intercept.

In Cartagena, about 150 miles from the action, Captain Jaime González Zamudio, commander of the regional coast guard group, sat down at his desk to watch what happened next. On his computer monitor, icons representing his patrol boats raced toward the sub’s coordinates as updates crackled over his radio from the crews at sea. This was all standard; Colombia is the world’s largest producer of cocaine, and its navy has been seizing narco subs for decades. And so the captain was pretty sure what the outcome would be. His crew would catch up to the sub, just a bit of it showing above the water’s surface. They’d bring it to heel, board it, and force open the hatch to find two, three, maybe four exhausted men suffocating in a mix of diesel fumes and humidity, and a cargo compartment holding several tons of cocaine.

The boats caught up to the sub. A crew boarded, forced open the hatch, and confirmed that the vessel was secure. But from that point on, things were different.

First, some unexpected details came over the radio: There was no cocaine on board. Neither was there a crew, nor a helm, nor even enough room for a person to lie down. Instead, inside the hull the crew found a fuel tank, an autopilot system and control electronics, and a remotely monitored security camera. González Zamudio’s crew started sending pictures back to Cartagena: Bolted to the hull was another camera, as well as two plastic rectangles, each about the size of a cookie sheet—antennas for connecting to Starlink satellite internet.

The authorities towed the boat back to Cartagena, where military techs took a closer look. Weeks later, they came to an unsettling conclusion: This was Colombia’s first confirmed uncrewed narco sub. It could be operated by remote control, but it was also capable of some degree of autonomous travel. The techs concluded that the sub was likely a prototype built by the Clan del Golfo, a powerful criminal group that operates along the Caribbean coast.

For decades, handmade narco subs have been some of the cocaine trade’s most elusive and productive workhorses, ferrying multi-ton loads of illicit drugs from Colombian estuaries toward markets in North America and, increasingly, the rest of the world. Now off-the-shelf technology—Starlink terminals, plug-and-play nautical autopilots, high-resolution video cameras—may be advancing that cat-and-mouse game into a new phase.

Uncrewed subs could move more cocaine over longer distances, and they wouldn’t put human smugglers at risk of capture. Law enforcement around the world is just beginning to grapple with what the Tayrona sub means for the future—whether it was merely an isolated experiment or the opening move in a new era of autonomous drug smuggling at sea.


Drug traffickers love the ocean. “You can move drug traffic through legal and illegal routes,” says Juan Pablo Serrano, a captain in the Colombian navy and head of the operational coordination center for Orión, a multiagency, multinational counternarcotics effort. The giant container ships at the heart of global commerce offer a favorite approach, Serrano says. Bribe a chain of dockworkers and inspectors, hide a load in one of thousands of cargo boxes, and put it on a totally legal commercial vessel headed to Europe or North America. That route is slow and expensive—involving months of transit and bribes spread across a wide network—but relatively low risk. “A ship can carry 5,000 containers. Good luck finding the right one,” he says.

Far less legal, but much faster and cheaper, are small, powerful motorboats. Quick to build and cheap to crew, these “go-fasts” top out at just under 50 feet long and can move smaller loads in hours rather than days. But they’re also easy for coastal radars and patrols to spot.

Submersibles—or, more accurately, “semisubmersibles”—fit somewhere in the middle. They take more money and engineering to build than an open speedboat, but they buy stealth—even if a bit of the vessel rides at the surface, the bulk stays hidden underwater. That adds another option to a portfolio that smugglers constantly rebalance across three variables: risk, time, and cost. When US and Colombian authorities tightened control over air routes and commercial shipping in the early 1990s, subs became more attractive. The first ones were crude wooden hulls with a fiberglass shell and extra fuel tanks, cobbled together in mangrove estuaries, hidden from prying eyes. Today’s fiberglass semisubmersible designs ride mostly below the surface, relying on diesel engines that can push multi-ton loads for days at a time while presenting little more than a ripple and a hot exhaust pipe to radar and infrared sensors.

A typical semisubmersible costs under $2 million to build and can carry three metric tons of cocaine. That’s worth over $160 million in Europe—wholesale.

Most ferry between South American coasts and handoff points in Central America and Mexico, where allied criminal organizations break up the cargo and slowly funnel it toward the US. But some now go much farther. In 2019, Spanish authorities intercepted a semisubmersible after a 27-day transatlantic voyage from Brazil. In 2024, police in the Solomon Islands found the first narco sub in the Asia-Pacific region, a semisubmersible probably originating from Colombia on its way to Australia or New Zealand.

If the variables are risk, time, and cost, then the economics of a narco sub are simple. Even if they spend more time on the water than a powerboat, they’re less likely to get caught—and a relative bargain to produce. A narco sub might cost between $1 million and $2 million to build, but a kilo of cocaine costs just about $500 to make. “By the time that kilo reaches Europe, it can sell for between $44,000 and $55,000,” Serrano says. A typical semisubmersible carries up to three metric tons—cargo worth well over $160 million at European wholesale prices.

Starlink panel with a rusty mount
hands holding a Starlink antenna
rusty round white surveillance camera

Off-the-shelf nautical autopilots, WiFi antennas, Starlink satellite internet connections, and remote cameras are all drug smugglers need to turn semisubmersibles into drone ships.

As a result, narco subs are getting more common. Seizures by authorities tripled in the last 20 years, according to Colombia’s International Center for Research and Analysis Against Maritime Drug Trafficking (CMCON), and Serrano admits that the Orión alliance has enough ships and aircraft to catch only a fraction of what sails.

Until now, though, narco subs have had one major flaw: They depended on people, usually poor fishermen or low-level recruits sealed into stifling compartments for days at a time, steering by GPS and sight, hoping not to be spotted. That made the subs expensive and a risk to drug sellers if captured. Like good capitalists, the Tayrona boat’s builders seem to have been trying to obviate labor costs with automation. No crew means more room for drugs or fuel and no sailors to pay—or to get arrested or flip if a mission goes wrong.

“If you don’t have a person or people on board, that makes the transoceanic routes much more feasible,” says Henry Shuldiner, a researcher at InSight Crime who has analyzed hundreds of narco-sub cases. It’s one thing, he notes, to persuade someone to spend a day or two going from Colombia to Panama for a big payout; it’s another to ask four people to spend three weeks sealed inside a cramped tube, sleeping, eating, and relieving themselves in the same space. “That’s a hard sell,” Shuldiner says.

An uncrewed sub doesn’t have to race to a rendezvous because its crew can endure only a few days inside. It can move more slowly and stealthily. It can wait out patrols or bad weather, loiter near a meeting point, or take longer and less well-monitored routes. And if something goes wrong—if a military plane appears or navigation fails—its owners can simply scuttle the vessel from afar.

Meanwhile, the basic technology to make all that work is getting more and more affordable, and the potential profit margins are rising. “The rapidly approaching universality of autonomous technology could be a nightmare for the U.S. Coast Guard,” wrote two Coast Guard officers in the US Naval Institute’s journal Proceedings in 2021. And as if to prove how good an idea drone narco subs are, the US Marine Corps and the weapons builder Leidos are testing a low-profile uncrewed vessel called the Sea Specter, which they describe as being “inspired” by narco-sub design.

The possibility that drug smugglers are experimenting with autonomous subs isn’t just theoretical. Law enforcement agencies on other smuggling routes have found signs the Tayrona sub isn’t an isolated case. In 2022, Spanish police seized three small submersible drones near Cádiz, on Spain’s southern coast. Two years later, Italian authorities confiscated a remote-­controlled minisubmarine they believed was intended for drug runs. “The probability of expansion is high,” says Diego Cánovas, a port and maritime security expert in Spain. Tayrona, the biggest and most technologically advanced uncrewed narco sub found so far, is more likely a preview than an anomaly.


Today, the Tayrona semisubmersible sits on a strip of grass at the ARC Bolívar naval base in Cartagena. It’s exposed to the elements; rain has streaked its paint. To one side lies an older, bulkier narco sub seized a decade ago, a blue cylinder with a clumsy profile. The Tayrona’s hull looks lower, leaner, and more refined.

Up close, it is also unmistakably handmade. The hull is a dull gray-blue, the fiberglass rough in places, with scrapes and dents from the tow that brought it into port. It has no identifying marks on the exterior—nothing that would tie it to a country, a company, or a port. On the upper surface sit the two Starlink antennas, painted over in the same gray-blue to keep them from standing out against the sea.

I climb up a ladder and drop through the small hatch near the stern. Inside, the air is damp and close, the walls beaded with condensation. Small puddles of fuel have collected in the bilge. The vessel has no seating, no helm or steering wheel, and not enough space to stand up straight or lie down. It’s clear it was never meant to carry people. A technical report by CMCON found that the sub would have enough fuel for a journey of some 800 nautical miles, and the central cargo bay would hold between 1 and 1.5 tons of cocaine.

At the aft end, the machinery compartment is a tangle of hardware: diesel engine, batteries, pumps, and a chaotic bundle of cables feeding an electronics rack. All the core components are still there. Inside that rack, investigators identified a NAC-3 autopilot processor, a commercial unit designed to steer midsize boats by tying into standard hydraulic pumps, heading sensors, and rudder-­feedback systems. They cost about $2,200 on Amazon.

“These are plug-and-play technologies,” says Wilmar Martínez, a mechatronics professor at the University of America in Bogotá, when I show him pictures of the inside of the sub. “Midcareer mechatronics students could install them.”


For all its advantages, an autonomous drug-smuggling submarine wouldn’t be invincible. Even without a crew on board, there are still people in the chain. Every satellite internet terminal—Starlink or not—comes with a billing address, a payment method, and a log of where and when it pings the constellation. Colombian officers have begun to talk about negotiating formal agreements with providers, asking them to alert authorities when a transceiver’s movements match known smuggling patterns. Brazil’s government has already cut a deal with Starlink to curb criminal use of its service in the Amazon.

The basic playbook for finding a drone sub will look much like the one for crewed semisubmersibles. Aircraft and ships will use radar to pick out small anomalies and infrared cameras to look for the heat of a diesel engine or the turbulence of a wake. That said, it might not work. “If they wind up being smaller, they’re going to be darn near impossible to detect,” says Michael Knickerbocker, a former US Navy officer who advises defense tech firms.

Autonomous drug subs are “a great example of how resilient cocaine traffickers are, and how they’re continuously one step ahead of authorities,” says one researcher.

Even worse, navies already act on only a fraction of their intelligence leads because they don’t have enough ships and aircraft. The answer, Knickerbocker argues, is “robot on robot.” Navies and coast guards will need swarms of their own small, relatively cheap uncrewed systems—surface vessels, underwater gliders, and long-endurance aerial vehicles that can loiter, sense, and relay data back to human operators. Those experiments have already begun. The US 4th Fleet, which covers Latin America and the Caribbean, is experimenting with uncrewed platforms in counternarcotics patrols. Across the Atlantic, the European Union’s European Maritime Safety Agency operates drones for maritime surveillance.

Today, though, the major screens against oceangoing vessels of all kinds are coastal radar networks. Spain operates SIVE to watch over choke points like the Strait of Gibraltar, and in the Pacific, Australia’s over-the-horizon radar network, JORN, can spot objects hundreds of miles away, far beyond the range of conventional radar.

Even so, it’s not enough to just spot an uncrewed narco sub. Law enforcement also has to stop it—and that will be tricky.

man in naval uniform pointing at a map
To find drone subs, international law enforcement will likely have to rely on networks of surveillance systems and, someday, swarms of their own drones.
CARLOS PARRA RIOS

With a crewed vessel, Colombian doctrine says coast guard units should try to hail the boat first with lights, sirens, radio calls, and warning shots. If that fails, interceptor crews sometimes have to jump aboard and force the hatch. Officers worry that future autonomous craft could be wired to sink or even explode if someone gets too close. “If they get destroyed, we may lose the evidence,” says Víctor González Badrán, a navy captain and director of CMCON. “That means no seizure and no legal proceedings against that organization.” 

That’s where electronic warfare enters the picture—radio-frequency jamming, cyber tools, perhaps more exotic options. In the simplest version, jamming means flooding the receiver with noise so that commands from the operator never reach the vessel. Spoofing goes a step further, feeding fake signals so that the sub thinks it’s somewhere else or obediently follows a fake set of waypoints. Cyber tools might aim higher up the chain, trying to penetrate the software that runs the vessel or the networks it uses to talk to satellite constellations. At the cutting edge of these countermeasures are electromagnetic pulses designed to fry electronics outright, turning a million-dollar narco sub into a dead hull drifting at sea.

In reality, the tools that might catch a future Tayrona sub are unevenly distributed, politically sensitive, and often experimental. Powerful cyber or electromagnetic tricks are closely guarded secrets; using them in a drug case risks exposing capabilities that militaries would rather reserve for wars. Systems like Australia’s JORN radar are tightly held national security assets, their exact performance specs classified, and sharing raw data with countries on the front lines of the cocaine trade would inevitably mean revealing hints as to how they got it. “Just because a capability exists doesn’t mean you employ it,” Knickerbocker says. 

Analysts don’t think uncrewed narco subs will reshape the global drug trade, despite the technological leap. Trafficking organizations will still hedge their bets across those three variables, hiding cocaine in shipping containers, dissolving it into liquids and paints, racing it north in fast boats. “I don’t think this is revolutionary,” Shuldiner says. “But it’s a great example of how resilient cocaine traffickers are, and how they’re continuously one step ahead of authorities.”

There’s still that chance, though, that everything international law enforcement agencies know about drug smuggling is about to change. González Zamudio says he keeps getting requests from foreign navies, coast guards, and security agencies to come see the Tayrona sub. He greets their delegations, takes them out to the strip of grass on the base, and walks them around it, gives them tours. It has become a kind of pilgrimage. Everyone who makes it worries that the next time a narco sub appears near a distant coastline, they’ll board it as usual, force the hatch—and find it full of cocaine and gadgets, but without a single human occupant. And no one knows what happens after that. 

Eduardo Echeverri López is a journalist based in Colombia.

Welcome to the dark side of crypto’s permissionless dream

“We’re out of airspace now. We can do whatever we want,” Jean-Paul Thorbjornsen tells me from the pilot’s seat of his Aston Martin helicopter. As we fly over suburbs outside Melbourne, Australia, it’s becoming clear that doing whatever he wants is Thorbjornsen’s MO. 

Upper-middle-class homes give way to vineyards, and Thorbjornsen points out our landing spot outside a winery. People visiting for lunch walk outside. “They’re going to ask for a shot now,” he says, used to the attention drawn by his luxury helicopter, emblazoned with the tail letters “BTC” for bitcoin (the price tag of $5 million in Australian dollars—$3.5 million in US dollars today—was perhaps reasonable for someone who claims a previous crypto project made more than AU$400 million, although he also says those funds were tied up in the company). 

Thorbjornsen is a founder of THORChain, a blockchain through which users can swap one cryptocurrency for another and earn fees from making those swaps. THORChain is permissionless, so anyone can use it without getting prior approval from a centralized authority. As a decentralized network, the blockchain is built and run by operators located across the globe, most of whom use pseudonyms. 

During its early days, Thorbjornsen himself hid behind the pseudonym “leena” and used an AI-generated female image as his avatar. But around March 2024, he revealed that he, an Australian man in his mid-30s, with a rural Catholic upbringing, was the mind behind the blockchain. More or less. 

If there is a central question around THORChain, it is this: Exactly who is responsible for its operations? Blockchains as decentralized as THORChain are supposed to offer systems that operate outside the centralized leadership of corruptible governments and financial institutions. If a few people have outsize sway over this decentralized network—one of a handful that operate at such a large scale—it’s one more blemish on the legacy of bitcoin’s promise, which has already been tarnished by capitalistic political frenzy.   

Who’s responsible for THORChain matters because in January last year, its users lost more than $200 million worth of their cryptocurrency in US dollars after THORChain transactions and accounts were frozen by a singular admin override, which users believed was not supposed to be possible given the decentralized structure. When the freeze was lifted, some users raced to pull their money out. The following month, a team of North Korean hackers known as the Lazarus Group used THORChain to move roughly $1.2 billion of stolen ethereum taken in the infamous hack of the Dubai-based crypto exchange Bybit. 

Thorbjornsen explains away THORChain’s inability to stop the movement of stolen funds, or prevent a bank run, as a function of its decentralized and permissionless nature. The lack of executive powers means that anyone can use the network for any reason, and arguably there’s no one to hold accountable when even the worst goes down.

But when the worst did go down, nearly everyone in the THORChain community, and those paying attention to it in channels like X, pointed their fingers at Thorbjornsen. A lawsuit filed by the THORChain creditors who lost millions in January 2025 names him. A former FBI analyst and North Korea specialist, reflecting on the potential repercussions for helping move stolen funds, told me he wouldn’t want to be in Thorbjornsen’s shoes.

THORChain was designed to make decisions based on votes by node operators, where two-thirds majority rules.

That’s why I traveled to Australia—to see if I could get a handle on where he sees himself and his role in relation to the network he says he founded.

According to Thorbjornsen, he should not be held responsible for either event. THORChain was designed to make decisions based on votes by node operators—people with the computer power, and crypto stake, to run a cluster of servers that process the network’s transactions. In those votes, a two-thirds majority rules.

Then there’s the permissionless part. Anyone can use THORChain to make swaps, which is why it’s been a popular way for widely sanctioned entities such as the government of North Korea to move stolen money. This principle goes back to the cypherpunk roots of bitcoin, a currency that operates outside of nation-states’ rules. THORChain is designed to avoid geopolitical entanglements; that’s what its users like about it.

But there are distinct financial motivations for moving crypto, stolen or not: Node operators earn fees from the funds running through the network. In theory, this incentivizes them to act in the network’s best interests—and, arguably, Thorbjornsen’s interests too, as many assume his wealth is tied to the network’s profits. (Thorbjornsen says it is not, and that it comes instead from “many sources,” including “buying bitcoin back in 2013.”)

Now recent events have raised critical questions, not just about Thorbjornsen’s outsize role in THORChain’s operations, but also about the blockchain’s underlying nature.

If THORChain is decentralized, how was a single operator able to freeze its funds a month before the Bybit hack? Could someone have unilaterally decided to stop the stolen Bybit funds from coming through the network, and chosen not to? 

Thorbjornsen insists THORChain is helping realize bitcoin’s original purpose of enabling anyone to transact freely outside the reach of purportedly corrupt governments. Yet the network’s problems suggest that an alternative financial system might not be much better.

Decentralized? 

On February 21, 2025, Bybit CEO Ben Zhou got an alarming call from the company’s chief financial officer. About $1.5 billion US of the exchange’s ethereum token, ETH, had been stolen. 

The FBI attributed the theft to the Lazarus Group. Typically, criminals will want to convert ETH to bitcoin, which is much easier to convert in turn to cash. Knowing this, the FBI issued a public service announcement on February 26 to “exchanges, bridges … and other virtual asset service providers,” encouraging them to block transactions from accounts related to the hack. 

Someone posted that announcement in THORChain’s private, invite-only developer channel on Discord, a chat app used widely by software engineers and gamers. While other crypto exchanges and bridges (which facilitate transactions across different blockchains) heeded the warning, THORChain’s node operators, developers, and invested insiders debated about whether or not to close the trading gates, a decision requiring a majority vote.

“Civil war is a very strong term, but there was a strong rift in the community,” says Boone Wheeler, a US-based crypto enthusiast. In 2021, Wheeler purchased some rune, THORChain’s Norse-mythology-themed native token, and he has been paid to write articles about the network to help advertise it. The rift formed “between people who wanted to stay permissionless,” he says, “and others who wanted to blacklist the funds.”

Wheeler, who says he doesn’t run a node or code for THORChain, fell on the side of remaining permissionless. However, others spoke up for blocking the transfers. THORChain, they argued, wasn’t decentralized enough to keep those running the network safe from law enforcement—especially when those operators were identifiable by their IP addresses, some based in the US.

“We are not the morality police,” someone with the username @Swing_Pop wrote on February 27 in the developer Discord.

THORChain’s design includes up to 120 nodes whose operators manage transactions on the network through a voting process. Anyone with hosting hardware can become an operator by funding nodes with rune as collateral, which provides the network with liquidity. Nodes can respond to a transaction by validating it or doing nothing. While individual transactions can’t be blocked, trading can be halted by a two-thirds majority vote. 

Nodes are also penalized for not participating in voting, which the system labels as “bad behavior.” Every 2.5 days, THORChain automatically “churns” nodes out to ensure that no one node gains too much control. The nodes that chose not to validate transactions from the Bybit hack were automatically “churned” out of the system. Thorbjornsen says about 20 or 30 nodes were booted from the network in this way. (Node operators can run multiple nodes, and 120 are rarely running simultaneously; at the time of writing, 55 unique IDs operated 103 nodes.)

By February 27, some node operators were prepared to leave the network altogether. “It’s personally getting beyond my risk tolerance,” wrote @Runetard in the dev Discord. “Sorry to those of the community that feel otherwise. There are a bunch of us holding all the risk and some are getting ready to walk away.”

Even so, the financial incentive for the network operators who remained was significant. As one member of the dev Discord put it earlier that day, $3 million had been “extracted as commission” from the theft by those operating THORChain. “This is wrong!” they wrote.

Thorbjornsen weighed in on this back-and-forth, during which nodes paused and unpaused the network. He now says there was a right and wrong way for node operators to have behaved. “The correct way of doing things,” he says, was for node operators who opposed processing stolen funds to “go offline and … get [themselves] kicked out” rather than try to police who could use THORChain. He also says that while operators could discuss stopping transactions, “there was simply no design in the code that allowed [them] to do that.” However, a since-deleted post from his personal X account on March 3, 2025, stated: “I pushed for all my nodes to unhalt trading [keep trading]. Threatened to yank bond if they didn’t comply. Every single one.” (Thorbjornsen says his social media team ran this account in 2025.) 

In an Australian 7 News Spotlight documentary last June, Thorbjornsen estimated that THORChain earned between $5 million and $10 million from the heist.

When asked in that same documentary if he received any of those fees, he replied, “Not directly.” When we spoke, I asked him to elaborate. He said he’s “not a recipient” of any funds THORChain sets aside for developers or marketers, nor does he operate any nodes. He was merely speaking generally, he told me: “All crypto holders profit indirectly off economic activity on any chain.”

a character in a hooded sweatshirt at a computer station

KAGAN MCLEOD

Most important to Thorbjornsen was that, despite “huge pressure to shut the protocol down and stop servicing these swaps,” THORChain chugged along. He also notes that the hackers’ tactics, moving fast and splitting funds across multiple addresses, made it difficult to identify “bad swaps.”

Blockchain experts like Nick Carlsen, a former FBI analyst at the blockchain intelligence company TRM Labs, don’t buy this assessment. Other services similar to THORChain were identifying and rejecting these transactions. Had THORChain done the same, Carlsen adds, the stolen funds could have been contained on the Ethereum network, which “would have basically denied North Korea the ability to kick off this laundering process.” 

And while THORChain touts its decentralization, in “practical applications” like the Lazarus Group’s theft, “most de-fi [decentralized finance] protocols are centralized,” says Daren Firestone, an attorney who represents crypto industry whistleblowers, citing a 2023 US Treasury Department risk assessment on illicit finance. 

With centralization comes culpability, and in these cases, Firestone adds, that comes down to “who profits from [the protocol], so who creates it? But most importantly, who controls it?” Is there someone who can “hit an emergency off switch? … Direct nodes?”

Many answer these questions with Thorbjornsen’s name. “Everyone likes to pass the blame,” he says, even though he wasn’t alone in building THORChain. “​​In the end, it all comes back to me anyway.”

THORChain origins

According to Thorbjornsen, his story goes like this.

The third of 10 homeschooled children in a “traditional” Catholic household in rural Australia, he spent his days learning math, reading, writing, and studying the Bible. As he got older, he was also responsible for instructing his younger siblings. Wednesday was his day to move the solar panels that powered their home. His parents “installed” a mango and citrus orchard, more to keep nine boys busy than to reap the produce, he says.

“We lived close to a local airfield,” Thorbjornsen says, “and I was always mesmerized by these planes.” He joined the Australian air force and studied engineering, but he says the military left him feeling like “a square peg in a round hole.” He adds that doing things his own way got him frequently “pulled aside” by superiors.

“That’s when I started looking elsewhere,” he says, and in 2013, he found bitcoin. It appealed because it existed “outside the system.”

During the 2017 crypto bull run, Thorbjornsen raised AU$12 million in an initial coin offering for CanYa, a decentralized marketplace he cofounded. CanYa ultimately “died” in 2018, and Thorbjornsen pivoted to a “decentralized liquidity” project that would become THORChain.

He worked with a couple of different developer teams, and then, in 2019, he clicked with an American developer, Chad Barraford, at a hackathon in Germany. Barraford (who declined to be interviewed for this story) was an early public face of THORChain. 

Around this time, Thorbjornsen says, “a couple of us helped manage the payroll and early investment funds.” In a 2020 interview, Kai Ansaari, identified as a THORChain “project lead,” wrote, “We’re all contributors … There’s no real ‘lead,’ ‘CEO,’ ‘founder,’ etc.”

In interviews conducted since he came out from behind the “leena” account in 2024, Thorbjornsen has positioned himself as a key lead. He now says his plan had always been to hand over the account, along with command powers and control of THORChain social media accounts, once the blockchain had matured enough to realize its promise of decentralization.

In 2021, he says, he started this process, first by ceasing to use his own rune to back node operators who didn’t have enough to supply their own funding (this can be a way to influence node votes without operating a node yourself). That year, the protocol suffered multiple hacks that resulted in millions of dollars in losses. Nine Realms, a US-incorporated coding company, was brought on to take over THORChain’s development. Thorbjornsen says he passed “leena” over to “other community members” and “left crypto” in 2021, selling “a bunch of bitcoin” and buying the helicopter. 

Despite this crypto departure, he came back onto the scene with gusto in 2024 when he revealed himself as the operator of the “leena” account. “​​For many years, I stayed private because I didn’t want the attention,” he says now. 

By early 2024 Thorbjornsen considered the network to be sufficiently decentralized and began advertising it publicly. He started regularly posting videos on his TikTok and YouTube channels (“Two sick videos every week,” in the words of one caption) that showed him piloting his helicopter wearing shirts that read “Thor.”

By November 2024, Thorbjornsen, who describes himself as “a bit flamboyant,” was calling himself THORChain’s CEO (“chief energy officer”) and the “master of the memes” in a video from Binance Blockchain Week, an industry conference in Dubai. You need “strong memetic energy,” he says in the video, “to create the community, to create the cult.” Cults imply centralized leadership, and since outing himself as “leena,” Thorbjornsen has publicly appeared to helm the project, with one interviewer deeming him the “THORChain Satoshi” (an allusion to the pseudonymous creator of bitcoin). 

One consequence of going public as a face of the protocol: He’s received death threats. “I stirred it up. Do I regret it? Who knows?” he said when we met in Australia. “It’s caused a lot of chaos.” 

But, he added, “this is the bed that I’ve laid.” When we spoke again, months later, he backtracked, saying he “got sucked into” defending THORChain in 2024 and 2025 because he was involved from 2018 to 2021 and has “a perspective on how the protocol operates.”

Centralized? 

Ryan Treat, a retired US Army veteran, woke up one morning in January 2025 to some disturbing activity on X. “My heart sank,” he says. THORFi, the THORChain program he’d used to earn interest on the bitcoin he’d planned to save for his retirement, had frozen all accounts—but that didn’t make sense.

THORFi featured a lending and saving program said to give users “complete control” and self-custody of their crypto, meaning they could withdraw it at any time. 

Treat was no crypto amateur. He bought his first bitcoin at around “$5 apiece,” he says, and had always kept it off centralized exchanges that would maintain custody of his wallets. He liked THORChain because it claimed to be decentralized and permissionless. “I got into bitcoin because I wanted to have government-less money,” he says. 

We were told it was decentralized. Then you wake up one morning and read this guy had an admin mimir.

Many who’d used THORFi lending and saving programs felt similarly. Users I interviewed differentiated THORChain from centralized lending platforms like BlockFi and Celsius, both of which offered extraordinarily high yields before filing for bankruptcy in 2022. “I viewed THORChain as a decentralized system where it was safer,” says Halsey Richartz, a Florida-based THORFi creditor, with “vanilla, 1% passive yield.” Indeed, users I spoke with hadn’t felt the need to monitor their THORFi deposits. “Only your key can be used to withdraw your funds,” the product’s marketing materials insisted. “Savers can withdraw their position to native assets at any time.”

So on January 9, when the “leena” account announced that an admin key had been used to pause withdrawals, it took THORFi users by surprise—and seemed to contradict the marketing messaging around decentralization. “We were told that it was decentralized, and you wake up one morning and read an article that says ‘This guy, JP, had an admin mimir,’” says Treat, referring to Thorbjornsen, “and I’m like, ‘What the fuck is an admin mimir?’”

The admin mimir was one of “a bunch of hard-coded admin keys built into the base code of the system,” says Jonathan Reiter, CEO of the blockchain intelligence company ChainArgos. Those with access to the keys had the ability to make executive decisions on the blockchain—a function many THORChain users didn’t realize could supersede the more democratic decisions made by node votes. These keys had been in THORChain’s code for years and “let you control just about anything,” Reiter adds, including the decision to pause the network during the hacks in 2021 that resulted in a loss of more than $16 million in assets. 

Thorbjornsen says that one key was given to Nine Realms, while another was “shared around the original team.” He told me at least three people had them, adding, “I can neither confirm nor deny having access to that mimir key, because there’s no on-chain registry of the keys.”

Regardless of who had access, Thorbjornsen maintains that the admin mimir mechanism was “widely known within the community, and heavily used throughout THORChain’s history” and that any action taken using the keys “could be largely overruled by the nodes.” Indeed, nodes voted to open withdrawals back up shortly after the admin key was used to pause them. By then, those burned by THORFi argue, the damage had already been done. The executive pause to withdrawals, for some, signaled that something was amiss with THORFi. This led to a bank run after the pause was lifted, until the nodes voted to freeze withdrawals permanently (which Thorbjornsen had suggested in a since-deleted post on X), separating users from crypto worth around $200 million in US dollars on January 23. THORFi users were then offered a token called TCY (THORChain Yield), which they could claim with the idea that, when its price rose to $1, they would be made whole. (The price, as of writing, sits at $0.16.)

Who used the key? Thorbjornsen maintains he didn’t do it, but he claims he knows who did and won’t say. He says he’d handed over the “leena” account and doesn’t “have access to any of the core components of the system,” nor has he for “at least three years.” He implies that whoever controlled “leena” at the time used the admin key to pause network withdrawals.

A video released by Nine Realms on February 20, 2025, names Thorbjornsen as the activator of the key, stating, “JP ended up pausing lenders and savers, preventing withdrawals so that we can work out … [a] payback plan on them.” Thorbjornsen told me the video was “not factual.”

Multiple blockchain analysts told me it would be extremely difficult to determine who used the admin mimir key. A month after it was used to pause the network, THORChain said the key had been “removed from the network.” At least you can’t find the words “admin mimir” in THORChain’s base code; I’ve looked. 

Culpability

After the debacle of the THORFi withdrawal freeze, Richartz says, he tried to file reports with the Miami-Dade Police Department, the Florida Department of Law Enforcement, the FBI, the Securities and Exchange Commission, the Commodity Futures Trading Commission, the Federal Trade Commission, and Interpol. When we spoke in November, he still hadn’t been able to file with the city of Miami. They told him to try small claims court.

“I was like, no, you don’t understand … a post office box in Switzerland is the company address,” he says. “It underscored to me how little law enforcement even knows about these crimes.” 

As for the Bybit hack, at least one government has retaliated against those who facilitate blockchain projects. Last April German authorities shut down eXch, an exchange suspected of using THORChain to process funds Lazarus stole from Bybit, says Julia Gottesman, cofounder and head of investigations at the cybersecurity group zeroShadow. Australia, she adds, where Thorbjornsen was based, has been “slow to try to engage with the crypto community, or any regulations.”

a character with his pockets turned out shrugs next to his helicopter while wearing meme sunglasses

KAGAN MCLEOD

In response to requests for comment, Australia’s Department of Home Affairs wrote that at the end of March 2026, the country’s regulatory powers will expand to include “exchanges between the same type of cryptocurrency and transfers between different types.” They did not comment on specific investigations.

Crypto and finance experts disagree about whether THORChain engaged in money laundering, defined by the UN as “the processing of criminal proceeds to disguise their illegal origin.” But some think it fits the definition.

Shlomit Wagman, a Harvard fellow and former head of Israel’s anti-money-laundering agency and its delegation to the Financial Action Task Force (FATF), thinks the Bybit activity was money laundering because THORChain helped the hackers “transfer the funds in an unsupervised manner, completely outside of the scope of regulated or supervised activity.” 

And by helping with conversions, Carlsen says, THORChain enabled bad actors to turn stolen crypto into usable currency. “People like [Thorbjornsen] have a personal degree of culpability in sustaining the North Korean government,” he says. Thorbjornsen counters that THORChain is “open-source infrastructure.”

Meanwhile, just days after the hack, Bybit issued a 10% bounty on any funds recovered. As of mid-January this year, between $100 million and $500 million worth of those funds in US dollars remain unaccounted for, according to Gottesman of zeroShadow, which was hired by Bybit to recover funds following the hack.

Thorbjornsen hacked

For Thorbjornsen, it’s just another day at the casino. That’s the comparison he made during his regrettable 7 News Spotlight interview about the Bybit heist, and he repeated it when we met. “You go to a casino, you play a few games, you expect to lose,” he told me. “When you do actually go to zero, don’t cry.”

Thorbjornsen, it should be noted, has lost at the casino himself.

In September, he says, he got a Telegram message from a friend, inviting him to a Zoom meeting. He accepted and participated in a call with people who had “American voices.”

Ultimately, Thorbjornsen describes himself as a guy who’s had a bad year, fending off “threat vectors” left and right.

After the meeting, Thorbjornsen learned that his friend’s Telegram had been hacked. Whoever was responsible had used the Zoom link to remotely install software on Thorbjornsen’s computer, which “got access to everything”—his email, his crypto wallets, a bitcoin-based retirement fund. It cost him at least $1.2 million. The blockchain sleuth known as ZachXBT traced the funds and attributed the hack to North Korea. 

ZachXBT called it “poetic.”

Ultimately, Thorbjornsen describes himself as a guy who’s had a bad year. He says he had to liquidate his crypto assets because he’s dealing with the fallout of a recent divorce. He also feels he is fending off “threat vectors” left and right. More than once, he asked if I was a private investigator masquerading as a journalist.

Still, his many contradictions don’t inspire confidence. He doesn’t have any more crypto assets, he says. However, the crypto wallet he shared with me so I could pay him back for lunch showed that it contained assets worth more than $143,000 in US dollars. He now says it wasn’t his wallet. He says he doesn’t control THORChain’s social media, but he’d also told me that he runs the @THORChain X account (later backtracking and saying the account is “delegated” to him for trickier questions).

He insists that he does not care about money. He says that in the robot future, the AI-powered hive mind will become our benevolent overlord, rendering money obsolete, so why give it much thought? Yet as we flew back from the vineyard, he pointed out his new house from the helicopter. It resembles a compound. He says he lives there with his new wife. 

Multiple people I spoke with about Thorbjornsen before I met him warned me he wasn’t trustworthy, and he’s undeniably made fishy statements. For instance, the presence of a North Korean flag in a row of decals on the tail of his helicopter suggested an affinity with the country for which THORChain has processed so much crypto. Thorbjornsen insists he had requested the flag of Australia’s Norfolk Island, calling the mix-up “a complete coincidence.” The flags were gone by the time of our flight, apparently removed during a recent repair.

“Money is a meme,” he says. “Money does not exist.” Meme or not, it’s had real repercussions for those who have interacted with THORChain, and those who wound up losing have been looking for someone to blame. 

When I spoke with Thorbjornsen again in January, he appeared increasingly concerned that he is that someone. He’s spending more time in Singapore, he told me. Singapore happens to have historically denied extraditions to the US for money-laundering prosecutions. 

Jessica Klein is a Philadelphia-based freelance journalist covering intimate partner violence, cryptocurrency, and other topics.

The curious case of the disappearing Lamborghinis

When Sam Zahr first saw the gray Rolls-Royce Dawn convertible with orange interior and orange roof, he knew he’d found a perfect addition to his fleet. “It was very appealing to our clientele,” he told me. As the director of operations at Dream Luxury Rental, he outfits customers in the Detroit area looking to ride in style to a wedding, a graduation, or any other event with high-end vehicles—Rolls-Royces, Lamborghinis, Bentleys, Mercedes G-Wagons, and more.

But before he could rent out the Rolls, Zahr needed to get the car to Detroit from Miami, where he bought it from a used-car dealer. 

His team posted the convertible on Central Dispatch, an online marketplace that’s popular among car dealers, manufacturers, and owners who want to arrange vehicle shipments. It’s not too complicated, at least in theory: A typical listing includes the type of vehicle, zip codes of the origin and destination, dates for pickup and delivery, and the fee. Anyone with a Central Dispatch account can see the job, and an individual carrier or transport broker who wants it can call the number on the listing.

Zahr’s team got a call from a transport company that wanted the job. They agreed on the price and scheduled pickup for January 17, 2025. Zahr watched from a few feet away as the car was loaded into an enclosed trailer. He expected the vehicle to arrive in Detroit just a few days later—by January 21. 

But it never showed up.

Zahr called a contact at the transport company to ask what happened. 

“He’s like, I don’t know what you’re talking about.” 

Zahr told me his contact angrily told him they mostly ship Coca-Cola products, not luxury cars. “He was yelling and screaming about it,” Zahr said.

Over the years, people have broken into his business to steal cars, or they’ve rented them out and never come back. But until this day, he’d never had a car simply disappear during shipping. He’d expected no trouble this time around, especially since he’d used Central Dispatch—“a legit platform that everyone uses to transport cars,” he said. 

“That’s the scary part about it, you know?”

Wreaking havoc

Zahr had unwittingly been caught up in a new and growing type of organized criminal enterprise: vehicle transport fraud and theft. Crooks use email phishing, fraudulent paperwork, and other tactics to impersonate legitimate transport companies and get hired to deliver a luxury vehicle. They divert the shipment away from its intended destination and then use a mix of technology, computer skills, and old-school chop shop techniques to erase traces of the vehicle’s original ownership and registration.

These vehicles can be retitled and resold in the US or loaded into a shipping container and sent to an overseas buyer. In some cases, the car has been resold or is out of the country by the time the rightful owner even realizes it’s missing.

“Criminals have learned that stealing cars via the web portals has become extremely easy, and when I say easy—it’s become seamless,” says Steven Yariv, the CEO of Dealers Choice Auto Transport of West Palm Beach, Florida, one of the country’s largest luxury-vehicle transport brokers.

Individual cases have received media coverage thanks to the high value of the stolen cars and the fact that some belong to professional athletes and other celebrities. In late 2024, a Lamborghini Huracán belonging to Colorado Rockies third baseman Kris Bryant went missing en route to his home in Las Vegas; R&B singer Ray J told TMZ the same year that two Mercedes Maybachs never arrived in New York as planned; and last fall, NBA Hall of Famer Shaquille O’Neal had a $180,000 custom Range Rover stolen when the transport company hired to move the vehicle was hacked. “They’re saying they think it’s probably in Dubai by now, to be honest,” an employee of the company that customized the SUV told Shaq in a YouTube video.

“Criminals have learned that stealing cars via the web portals has become extremely easy, and when I say easy—it’s become seamless.”

Steven Yariv, CEO, Dealers Choice Auto Transport of West Palm Beach, Florida

But the nationwide epidemic of vehicle transport fraud and theft has remained under the radar, even as it’s rocked the industry over the past two years. MIT Technology Review identified more than a dozen cases involving high-end vehicles, obtained court records, and spoke to law enforcement, brokers, drivers, and victims in multiple states to reveal how transport fraud is wreaking havoc across the country.

RICHARD CHANCE

It’s challenging to quantify the scale of this type of crime, since there isn’t a single entity or association that tracks it. Still, these law enforcement officials and brokers, as well as the country’s biggest online car-transport marketplaces, acknowledge that fraud and theft are on the rise. 

When I spoke with him in August, Yariv estimated that around 8,000 exotic and high-end cars had been stolen since the spring of 2024, resulting in over $1 billion in losses. “You’re talking 30 cars a day [on] average is gone,” he said.

Multiple state and local law enforcement officials told MIT Technology Review that the number is plausible. (The FBI did not respond to a request for an interview.)

“It doesn’t surprise me,” said J.D. Decker, chief of the Nevada Department of Motor Vehicles’ police division and chair of the fraud subcommittee for the American Association of Motor Vehicle Administrators. “It’s a huge business.”

Data from the National Insurance Crime Bureau (NICB), a nonprofit that works with law enforcement and the insurance industry to investigate insurance fraud and related crimes, provides further evidence of this crime wave. NICB tracks both car theft and cargo theft, a broad category that refers to goods, money, or baggage that is stolen while part of a commercial shipment; the category also covers cases in which a vehicle is stolen via a diverted transport truck or a purloined car is loaded into a shipping container. NICB’s statistics about car theft show that it has declined following an increase during the pandemic—but over the same period cargo theft has dramatically increased, to an estimated $35 billion annually. The group projected in June that it was expected to rise 22% in 2025.

NICB doesn’t break out data for vehicles as opposed to other types of stolen cargo. But Bill Woolf, a regional director for the organization, said an antifraud initiative at the Port of Baltimore experienced a 200% increase from 2023 to 2024 in the number of stolen vehicles recovered. He said the jump could be due to the increased effort to identify stolen cars moving through the port, but he noted that earlier the day we spoke, agents had recovered two high-end stolen vehicles bound for overseas.

“One day, one container—a million dollars,” he said.

Many other vehicles are never recovered—perhaps a result of the speed with which they’re shipped off or sold. Travis Payne, an exotic-car dealer in Atlanta, told me that transport thieves often have buyers lined up before they take a car: “When they steal them, they have a plan.” 

In 2024, Payne spent months trying to locate a Rolls-Royce he’d purchased after it was stolen via transport fraud. It eventually turned up in the Instagram feed of a Mexican pop star, he says. He never got the car back.

The criminals are “gonna keep doing it,” he says, “because they make a couple phone calls, make a couple email accounts, and they get a $400,000 car for free. I mean, it makes them God, you know?”

Out-innovating the industry

The explosion of vehicle transport fraud follows a pattern that has played out across the economy over the past roughly two decades: A business that once ran on phones, faxes, and personal relationships shifted to online marketplaces that increased efficiency and brought down costs—but the reduction in human-to-human interaction introduced security vulnerabilities that allowed organized and often international fraudsters to enter the industry.

In the case of vehicle transport, the marketplaces are online “load boards” where car owners, dealerships, and manufacturers post about vehicles that need to be shipped from one location to another. Central Dispatch claims to be the largest vehicle load board and says on its website that thousands of vehicles are posted on its platform each day. It’s part of Cox Automotive, an industry juggernaut that owns major vehicle auctions, Autotrader, Kelley Blue Book, and other businesses that work with auto dealers, lenders, and buyers.

The system worked pretty well until roughly two years ago, when organized fraud rings began compromising broker and carrier accounts and exploiting loopholes in government licensing to steal loads with surprising ease and alarming frequency.

A theft can start with a phishing email that appears to come from a legitimate load board. The recipient, a broker or carrier, clicks a link in the message, which appears to go to the real site—but logging in sends the victim’s username and password to a criminal. The crook logs in as the victim, changes the account’s email and phone number to reroute all communications, and begins claiming loads of high-end vehicles. Cox Automotive declined an interview request but said in a statement that the “load board system still works well” and that “fraud impacts a very small portion” of listings.

“Every time we come up with a security measure to prevent the fraudster, they come up with a countermeasure.”

Bill Woolf, a regional director, National Insurance Crime Bureau

Criminals also gain access to online marketplaces by exploiting a lax regulatory environment. While a valid US Department of Transportation registration is required to access online marketplaces, it’s not hard for bad actors to register sham transport companies and obtain a USDOT number from the Federal Motor Carrier Safety Administration, the agency that regulates commercial motor vehicles. In other cases, criminals compromise the FMCSA accounts of legitimate companies and change their phone numbers and email addresses in order to impersonate them and steal loads. (USDOT did not respond to a request for comment.)

As Bek Abdullayev, the founder of Super Dispatch, one of Central Dispatch’s biggest competitors, explained in an episode of the podcast Auto Transport Co-Pilot, “FMCSA [is] authorizing people that are fraudulent companies—people that are not who they say they are.” He added that people can “game the system and … obtain paperwork that makes [them] look like a legitimate company.” For example, vehicle carrier insurance can be obtained quickly—if temporarily—by submitting an online application with fraudulent payment credentials.

The bottom line is that crooks have found myriad ways to present themselves as genuine and permitted vehicle transport brokers and carriers. Once hired to move a vehicle, they often repost the car on a load board using a different fraudulent or compromised account. While this kind of subcontracting, known as “double-­brokering,” is sometimes used by companies to save money, it can also be used by criminals to hire an unwitting accomplice to deliver the stolen car to their desired location. “They’re booking cars and then they’re just reposting them and dispatching them out to different routes,” says Yariv, the West Palm Beach transport broker. 

“A lot of this is cartel operated,” says Decker, of the Nevada DMV, who also serves on a vehicle fraud committee for the International Association of Chiefs of Police. “There’s so much money in it that it rivals selling drugs.”

Even though this problem is becoming increasingly well known, fraudsters continue to steal, largely with impunity. Brokers, auto industry insiders, and law enforcement told MIT Technology Review that load boards and the USDOT have been too slow to catch and ban bad actors. (In its statement, Cox Automotive said it has been “dedicated to continually enhancing our processes, technology, and education efforts across the industry to fight fraud.”)

Jake MacDonald, who leads Super Dispatch’s fraud monitoring and investigation efforts, put it bluntly on the podcast with Abdullayev: the reason that fraud is “jumping so much” is that “the industry is slowly moving over to a more technologically advanced position, but it’s so slow that fraud is actually [out-]innovating the industry.”

A Florida sting

As it turns out, the person Zahr’s team hired on Central Dispatch didn’t really work for the transport company. 

After securing the job, the fraudster reposted the orange-and-gray Rolls convertible to a load board. And instead of saying that the car needed to go from Miami to the real destination of Detroit, the new job listed an end point of Hallandale Beach, Florida, just 20 or so miles away. It was a classic case of malicious double-­brokering: the crooks claimed a load and then reposted it in order to find a new, unsuspecting driver to deliver the car into their possession.

On January 17 of last year, the legitimate driver showed up in a Dodge Ram and loaded the Rolls into an enclosed trailer as Zahr watched.

“The guy came in and looked very professional, and we took a video of him loading the car, taking pictures of everything,” Zahr told me. He never thought to double-­check where the driver was headed or which company he worked for.

Not long after a panicked Zahr spoke with his contact at the transport company he thought he was working with, he reported the car as stolen to the Miami police. Detective Ryan Chin was assigned to the case. It fit with a pattern of high-end auto theft that he and his colleagues had recently been tracking.

“Over the past few weeks, detectives have been made aware of a new method on the rise for vehicles being stolen by utilizing Central Dispatch,” Chin wrote in records obtained by MIT Technology Review. “Specific brokers are re-routing the truck drivers upon them picking up vehicles posted for transport and routing them to other locations provided by the broker.” 

Chin used Zahr’s photos and video to identify the truck and driver who’d taken the Rolls. By the time police found him, on January 31, the driver had already dropped off Zahr’s Rolls in Hallandale Beach. He’d also picked up and delivered a black Lamborghini Urus and a White Audi R8 for the same client. Each car had been stolen via double-brokering transport fraud, according to court records. 

The police department declined to comment or to make Chin available for an interview. But a source with knowledge of the case said the driver was “super cooperative.” (The source asked not to be identified because they were not authorized to speak to the media, and the driver does not appear to have been identified in court records.)

The driver told police that he had another load to pick up at a dealership in Naples, Florida, later that same day—a second Lamborghini Urus, this one orange. Police later discovered it was supposed to be shipped to California. But the carrier had been hired to bring the car, which retails for about $250,000, to a mall in nearby Aventura. He told police that he suspected it was going to be delivered to the same person who had booked him for the earlier Rolls, Audi, and Lamborghini deliveries, since “the voice sounds consistent with who [the driver] dealt with prior on the phone.” This drop-off was slated for 4 p.m. at the Waterways Shoppes mall in Aventura.

That was when Chin and a fellow detective, Orlando Rodriguez, decided to set up a sting. 

The officers and colleagues across three law enforcement agencies quickly positioned themselves in the Waterways parking lot ahead of the scheduled delivery of the Urus. They watched as, pretty much right on schedule that afternoon, the cooperative driver of the Dodge Ram rolled to a stop in the palm-tree-lined lot, which was surrounded by a kosher supermarket, Japanese and Middle Eastern restaurants, and a physiotherapy clinic.

The driver went inside the trailer and emerged in the orange Lamborghini. He parked it and waited near the vehicle.

Roughly 30 minutes later, a green Rolls-Royce Cullinan (price: $400,000 and up) arrived with two men and a teenager inside. They got out, opened the trunk, and sat on the tailgate of the vehicle as one man counted cash.

“They’re doing countersurveillance, looking around,” the source told me later. “It’s a little out of the ordinary, you know. They kept being fixated [on] where the truck was parked.” 

The transport driver and the three males who arrived in the Rolls-Royce did not interact. But soon enough, another luxury vehicle, a Bentley Continental GT, which last year retailed for about $250,000 and up, pulled in. The Bentley driver got out, took the cash from one of the men sitting on the back of the Rolls, and walked over to the transport driver. He handed him $700 and took the keys to the Lamborghini.

That’s when more than a dozen officers swooped in.

“They had nowhere to go,” the source told me. “We surrounded them.”

The two men in the Rolls were later identified as Arman Gevorgyan and Hrant Nazarian, and the man in the Bentley as Yuriy Korotovskyy. The three were arrested and charged with dealing in stolen property, grand theft over $100,000, and organized fraud. (The teenager who arrived in the Rolls was Gevorgyan’s son. He was detained and released, according to Richard Cooper, Gevorgyan’s attorney.)

As investigators dug into the case, the evidence suggested that this was part of the criminal pattern they’d been following. “I think it’s organized,” the source told me.

It’s something that transport industry insiders have talked about for a while, according to Fred Mills, the owner of Florida-based Advantage Auto Transport, a company that specializes in transporting high-end vehicles. He said there’s even a slang term to describe people engaged in transport fraud: the flip-flop mafia. 

It has multiple meanings. One is that the people who show up to transport or accept a vehicle “are out there wearing, you know, flip-flops and slides,” Mills says.

The second refers to how fraudsters “flip” from one carrier registration to another as they try to stay ahead of regulators and complaints.

In addition to needing a USDOT number, carriers working across states need an interstate operating authority (commonly known as an MC number) from the USDOT. Both IDs are typically printed on the driver and passenger doors. But the rise of ­double-brokering—and of fly-by-night and fraudulent carriers—means that drivers increasingly just tape IDs to their door. 

Mills says fraudsters will use a USDOT number for 10 or 11 months, racking up violations, and then tape up a new one. “They just wash, rinse, and repeat,” he says.

Decker from the Nevada DMV says a lot of high-end vehicles are stolen because dealerships and individual customers don’t properly check the paperwork or identity of the person who shows up to transport them.

“‘Flip-flop mafia’ is an apt nickname because it’s surprisingly easy to get a car on a truck and convince somebody that they’re a legitimate transport operation when they’re not,” he says.

Roughly a month after it disappeared, Zahr’s Rolls-Royce was recovered by the Miami Beach Police. Video footage obtained by a local TV station showed the gray car with its distinctive orange top being towed into a police garage. 

What happens in Vegas

Among the items confiscated from the men in Florida were $10,796 in cash and a GPS jammer. Law enforcement sources say jammers have become a core piece of technology for modern car thieves—necessary to disable the location tracking provided by GPS navigation systems in most cars. “Once they get the vehicles, they usually park them somewhere [and] put a signal jammer in there or cut out the GPS,” the Florida source told me. This buys them time to swap and reprogram the vehicle identification number (VIN), wipe car computers, and reprogram fobs to remove traces of the car’s provenance. 

No two VINs are the same, and each is assigned to a specific vehicle by the manufacturer. Where they’re placed inside a vehicle varies by make and model. The NICB’s Woolf says cars also have confidential VINs located in places—including their electronic components—that are supposed to be known only to law enforcement and his organization. But criminals have figured out how to find and change them.

“It’s making it more and more difficult for us to identify vehicles as stolen,” Woolf says. “Every time we come up with a security measure to prevent the fraudster, they come up with a countermeasure.”

All this doesn’t even take very much time. “If you know what you’re doing, and you steal the car at one o’clock today, you can have it completely done at two o’clock today,” says Woolf. A vehicle can be rerouted, reprogrammed, re-VINed, and sometimes even retitled before an owner files a police report.

That appears to have been the plan in the case of the stolen light-gray 2023 Lamborghini Huracán owned by the Rockies’ Kris Bryant.

On September 29, 2024, a carrier hired via a load board arrived at Bryant’s home in Cherry Hills, Colorado, to pick up the car. It was supposed to be transported to Bryant’s Las Vegas residence within a few days. It never showed up there—but it was in fact in Vegas.

Using Flock traffic cameras, which capture license plate information in areas across the country, Detective Justin Smith of the Cherry Hills Village Police Department tracked the truck and trailer that had picked up the Lambo to Nevada, and he alerted local police.

On October 7, a Las Vegas officer spotted a car matching the Lamborghini’s description and pulled it over. The driver said the Huracán had been brought to his auto shop by a man whom the police were able to identify as Dat Viet Tieu. They arrested Tieu later that same day. In an interview with police, he identified himself as a car broker. He said he was going to resell the Lamborghini and that he had no idea that the car was stolen, according to the arrest report. 

Police searched a Jeep Wrangler that Tieu had parked nearby and discovered it had been stolen—and had been re-VINed, retitled, and registered to his wife. Inside the car, police discovered “multiple fraudulent VIN stickers, key fobs to other high-end stolen vehicles, and fictitious placards,” their report said. 

One of the fake VINs matched the make and model of Bryant’s Lamborghini. (Representatives for Bryant and the Rockies did not respond to a request for comment.) 

Tieu was released on bail. But after he returned to LVPD headquarters two days later, on October 9, to reclaim his personal property, officers secretly placed him under surveillance with the hope that he’d lead them to one of the other stolen cars matching the key fobs they’d found in the Jeep. 

It didn’t take long for them to get lucky. A few hours after leaving the police station, Tieu drove to Harry Reid International Airport, where he picked up an unidentified man. They drove to the Caesars Palace parking garage and pulled in near a GMC Sierra. Over the next three hours, the man worked on a laptop inside and outside the vehicle, according to a police report. At one point, he and Tieu connected jumper cables from Tieu’s rented Toyota Camry to the Sierra.

“At 2323 hours, the white male adult enters the GMC Sierra, and the vehicle’s ignition starts. It was readily apparent the [two men] had successfully re-programmed a key fob to the GMC Sierra,” the report said.

An officer watched as the man gave two key fobs to Tieu, who handed the man an unknown amount of cash. Still, the police let the men leave the garage. 

The police kept Tieu and his wife under surveillance for more than a week. Then, on October 18, fearing the couple was about to leave town, officers entered Nora’s Italian Restaurant just off the Vegas Strip and took them into custody.

“Obviously, we meet again,” a detective told Tieu.

“I’m not surprised,” Tieu replied. 

Police later searched the VIN on the Sierra from the Caesars lot and found that it had been reported stolen in Tremonton, Utah, roughly two weeks earlier. They eventually returned both the Sierra and Kris Bryant’s Lamborghini to their owners. 

Tieu pleaded guilty to two felony counts of possession of a stolen vehicle and one count of defacing, altering, substituting, or removing a VIN. In October, he was sentenced to up to one year of probation; if it’s completed successfully, the plea agreement says, the counts of possession of a stolen vehicle will be dismissed. His attorneys, David Z. Chesnoff and Richard A. Schonfeld, said in a statement that they were “pleased” with the court’s decision, “in light of [Tieu’s] acceptance of responsibility.” 

Taking the heat

Many vehicles stolen via transport fraud are never recovered. Experts say the best way to stop this criminal cycle would be to disrupt it before it starts. 

That would require significant changes to the way that load boards operate. Bryant’s Lamborghini, Zahr’s and Payne’s Rolls-Royces, and the orange Lamborghini Urus in Florida were all posted for transport on Central Dispatch. Both brokers and shippers argue that the company hasn’t taken enough responsibility for what they characterize as weak oversight.

“If the crap hits the fan, it’s on us as a broker, or it’s on the trucking company … they have no liability in the whole transaction process. So it definitely frosted a lot of people’s feathers.”

Fred Mills, owner of Florida-based Advantage Auto Transport

“You’re Cox Automotive—you’re the biggest car company in the world for dealers—and you’re not doing better screenings when you sign people up?” says Payne. (The spokesperson for Cox Automotive said that it has “a robust verification process for all clients … who sign up.”)

“If the crap hits the fan, it’s on us as a broker, or it’s on the trucking company, or the clients’ insurance, [which means] that they have no liability in the whole transaction process,” says Mills. “So it definitely frosted a lot of people’s feathers.”

Over the last year, Central Dispatch has made changes to further secure its platform. It introduced two-factor authentication for user accounts and started enabling shippers to use its app to track loads in real time, among other measures. It also kicked off an awareness campaign that includes online educational content and media appearances to communicate that the company takes its responsibilities seriously.

“We’ve removed over 500 accounts already in 2025, and we’ll continue to take any of that aggressive action where it’s needed,” said Lainey Sibble, Central Dispatch’s head of business, in a sponsored episode of the Auto Remarketing Podcast. “We also recognize this is not going to happen in a silo. Everyone has a role to play here, and it’s really going to take us all working together in partnership to combat this issue.”

Mills says Central Dispatch got faster at shutting down fraudulent accounts toward the end of last year. But it’s going to take time to fix the industry, he adds: “I compare it to a 15-year opioid addiction. It’s going to take a while to detox the system.” 

Yariv, the broker in West Palm Beach, says he has stopped using Central Dispatch and other load boards altogether. “One person has access here, and that’s me. I don’t even log in,” he told me. His team has gone back to working the phones, as evidenced by the din of voices in the background as we spoke. 

RICHARD CHANCE

“[The fraud is] everywhere. It’s constant,” he said. “The only way it goes away is the dispatch boards have to be shut down—and that’ll never happen.”

It also remains to be seen what kind of accountability there will be for the alleged thieves in Florida. Korotovskyy and Nazarian pleaded not guilty; as of press time, their trials were scheduled to begin in May. (Korotovskyy’s lawyer, Bruce Prober, said in a statement that the case “is an ongoing matter” and his client is “presumed innocent,” while Nazarian’s attorney, Yale Sanford, said in a statement, “As the investigation continues, Mr. Nazarian firmly asserts his innocence.” A spokesperson with Florida’s Office of the State Attorney emailed a statement: “The circumstances related to these arrests are still a matter of investigation and prosecution. It would be inappropriate to be commenting further.”)

In contrast, Gevorgyan, the third man arrested in the Florida sting, pleaded guilty to four charges. 

Yet he maintains his innocence, according to Cooper, his lawyer: “He was pleading [guilty] to get out and go home.” Cooper describes his client as a wealthy Armenian national who runs a jewelry business back home, adding that he was deported to Armenia in September. 

Cooper says his client’s “sweetheart” plea deal doesn’t require him to testify or otherwise supply information against his alleged co-conspirators—or to reveal details about how all these luxury cars were mysteriously disappearing across South Florida. Cooper also says prosecutors may have a difficult time convicting the other two men, arguing that police acted prematurely by arresting the trio without first seeing what, if anything, they intended to do with the Lamborghini.

“All they ever had,” Cooper says, “was three schmucks sitting outside of the Lamborghini.” 


Craig Silverman is an award-winning journalist and the cofounder of Indicator, a publication that reports on digital deception.

Hackers made death threats against this security researcher. Big mistake.

The threats started in spring. 

In April 2024, a mysterious someone using the online handles “Waifu” and “Judische” began posting death threats on Telegram and Discord channels aimed at a cybersecurity researcher named Allison Nixon. 

“Alison [sic] Nixon is gonna get necklaced with a tire filled with gasoline soon,” wrote Waifu/Judische, both of which are words with offensive connotations. “Decerebration is my fav type of brain death, thats whats gonna happen to alison Nixon.” 

It wasn’t long before others piled on. Someone shared AI-generated nudes of Nixon.

These anonymous personas targeted Nixon because she had become a formidable threat: As chief research officer at the cyber investigations firm Unit 221B, named after Sherlock Holmes’s apartment, she had built a career tracking cybercriminals and helping get them arrested. For years she had lurked quietly in online chat channels or used pseudonyms to engage with perpetrators directly while piecing together clues they’d carelessly drop about themselves and their crimes. This had helped her bring to justice a number of cybercriminals—especially members of a loosely affiliated subculture of anarchic hackers who call themselves the Com.

But members of the Com aren’t just involved in hacking; some of them also engage in offline violence against researchers who track them. This includes bricking (throwing a brick through a victim’s window) and swatting (a dangerous type of hoax that involves reporting a false murder or hostage situation at someone’s home so SWAT teams will swarm it with guns drawn). Members of a Com offshoot known as 764 have been accused of even more violent acts—including animal torture, stabbings, and school shootings—or of inciting others in and outside the Com to commit these crimes.

Nixon started tracking members of the community more than a decade ago, when other researchers and people in law enforcement were largely ignoring them because they were young—many in their teens. Her early attention allowed her to develop strategies for unmasking them.

Ryan Brogan, a special agent with the FBI, says Nixon has helped him and colleagues identify and arrest more than two dozen members of the community since 2011, when he first began working with her, and that her skills in exposing them are unparalleled. “If you get on Allison’s and my radar, you’re going [down]. It’s just a matter of time,” he says. “No matter how much digital anonymity and tradecraft you try to apply, you’re done.”

Though she’d done this work for more than a decade, Nixon couldn’t understand why the person behind the Waifu/Judische accounts was suddenly threatening her. She had given media interviews about the Com—most recently on 60 Minutes—but not about her work unmasking members to get them arrested, so the hostility seemed to come out of the blue. And although she had taken an interest in the Waifu persona in years past for crimes he boasted about committing, he hadn’t been on her radar for a while when the threats began, because she was tracking other targets. 

Now Nixon resolved to unmask Waifu/Judische and others responsible for the death threats—and take them down for crimes they admitted to committing. “Prior to them death-threatening me, I had no reason to pay attention to them,” she says. 

Com beginnings

Most people have never heard of the Com, but its influence and threat are growing.

It’s an online community comprising loosely affiliated groups of, primarily, teens and twentysomethings in North America and English-speaking parts of Europe who have become part of what some call a cybercrime youth movement. 

International laws and norms, and fears of retaliation, prevent states from going all out in cyber operations. That doesn’t stop the anarchic Com.

Over the last decade, its criminal activities have escalated from simple distributed denial-of-service (DDoS) attacks that disrupt websites to SIM-swapping hacks that hijack a victim’s phone service, as well as crypto theft, ransomware attacks, and corporate data theft. These crimes have affected AT&T, Microsoft, Uber, and others. Com members have also been involved in various forms of sextortion aimed at forcing victims to physically harm themselves or record themselves doing sexually explicit activities. The Com’s impact has also spread beyond the digital realm to kidnapping, beatings, and other violence. 

One longtime cybercrime researcher, who asked to remain anonymous because of his work, says the Com is as big a threat in the cyber realm as Russia and China—for one unusual reason.

“There’s only so far that China is willing to go; there’s only so far that Russia or North Korea is willing to go,” he says, referring to international laws and norms, and fears of retaliation, that prevent states from going all out in cyber operations. That doesn’t stop the anarchic Com, he says.

FRANZISKA BARCZYK

“It is a pretty significant threat, and people tend to … push it under the rug [because] it’s just a bunch of kids,” he says. “But look at the impact [they have].”

Brogan says the amount of damage they do in terms of monetary losses “can become staggering very quickly.”

There is no single site where Com members congregate; they spread across a number of web forums and Telegram and Discord channels. The group follows a long line of hacking and subculture communities that emerged online over the last two decades, gained notoriety, and then faded or vanished after prominent members were arrested or other factors caused their decline. They differed in motivation and activity, but all emerged from “the same primordial soup,” says Nixon. The Com’s roots can be traced to the Scene, which began as a community of various “warez” groups engaged in pirating computer games, music, and movies.

When Nixon began looking at the Scene, in 2011, its members were hijacking gaming accounts, launching DDoS attacks, and running booter services. (DDoS attacks overwhelm a server or computer with traffic from bot-controlled machines, preventing legitimate traffic from getting through; booters are tools that anyone can rent to launch a DDoS attack against a target of choice.) While they made some money, their primary goal was notoriety.

This changed around 2018. Cryptocurrency values were rising, and the Com—or the Community, as it sometimes called itself—emerged as a subgroup that ultimately took over the Scene. Members began to focus on financial gain—cryptocurrency theft, data theft, and extortion.

The pandemic two years later saw a surge in Com membership that Nixon attributes to social isolation and the forced movement of kids online for schooling. But she believes economic conditions and socialization problems have also driven its growth. Many Com members can’t get jobs because they lack skills or have behavioral issues, she says. A number who have been arrested have had troubled home lives and difficulty adapting to school, and some have shown signs of mental illness. The Com provides camaraderie, support, and an outlet for personal frustrations. Since 2018, it has also offered some a solution to their money problems.

Loose-knit cells have sprouted from the community—Star Fraud, ShinyHunters, Scattered Spider, Lapsus$—to collaborate on clusters of crime. They usually target high-profile crypto bros and tech giants and have made millions of dollars from theft and extortion, according to court records. 

But dominance, power, and bragging rights are still motivators, even in profit operations, says the cybercrime researcher, which is partly why members target “big whales.”

“There is financial gain,” he says, “but it’s also [sending a message that] I can reach out and touch the people that think they’re untouchable.” In fact, Nixon says, some members of the Com have overwhelming ego-driven motivations that end up conflicting with their financial motives.

“Often their financial schemes fall apart because of their ego, and that phenomenon is also what I’ve made my career on,” she says.

The hacker hunter emerges

Nixon has straight dark hair, wears wire-rimmed glasses, and has a slight build and bookish demeanor that, on first impression, could allow her to pass for a teen herself. She talks about her work in rapid cadences, like someone whose brain is filled with facts that are under pressure to get out, and she exudes a sense of urgency as she tries to make people understand the threat the Com poses. She doesn’t suppress her happiness when someone she’s been tracking gets arrested.

In 2011, when she first began investigating the communities from which the Com emerged, she was working the night shift in the security operations center of the security firm SecureWorks. The center responded to tickets and security alerts emanating from customer networks, but Nixon coveted a position on the company’s counter-threats team, which investigated and published threat-intelligence reports on mostly state-sponsored hacking groups from China and Russia. Without connections or experience, she had no path to investigative work. But Nixon is an intensely curious person, and this created its own path.

Allison Nixon
Allison Nixon is chief research officer at the cybersecurity investigations firm Unit 221B, where she tracks cybercriminals and helps bring them to justice.
YLVA EREVALL

Where the threat team focused on the impact hackers had on customer networks—how they broke in, what they stole—Nixon was more interested in their motivations and the personality traits that drove their actions. She assumed there must be online forums where criminal hackers congregated, so she googled “hacking forums” and landed on a site called Hack Forums.

“It was really stupid simple,” she says.

She was surprised to see members openly discussing their crimes there. She reached out to someone on the SecureWorks threat team to see if he was aware of the site, and he dismissed it as a place for “script kiddies”—a pejorative term for unskilled hackers.

This was a time when many cybersecurity pros were shifting their focus away from cybercrime to state-sponsored hacking operations, which were more sophisticated and getting a lot of attention. But Nixon likes to zig where others zag, and her colleague’s dismissiveness fueled her interest in the forums. Two other SecureWorks colleagues shared that interest, and the three studied the forums during downtime on their shifts. They focused on trying to identify the people running DDoS booters. 

What Nixon loved about the forums was how accessible they were to a beginner like herself. Threat-intelligence teams require privileged access to a victim’s network to investigate breaches. But Nixon could access everything she needed in the public forums, where the hackers seemed to think no one was watching. Because of this, they often made mistakes in operational security, or OPSEC—letting slip little biographical facts such as the city where they lived, a school they attended, or a place they used to work. These details revealed in their chats, combined with other information, could help expose the real identities behind their anonymous masks. 

“It was a shock to me that it was relatively easy to figure out who [they were],” she says. 

She wasn’t bothered by the immature boasting and petty fights that dominated the forums. “A lot of people don’t like to do this work of reading chat logs. I realize that this is a very uncommon thing. And maybe my brain is built a little weird that I’m willing to do this,” she says. “I have a special talent that I can wade through garbage and it doesn’t bother me.” 

Nixon soon realized that not all the members were script kiddies. Some exhibited real ingenuity and “powerful” skills, she says, but because they were applying these to frivolous purposes—hijacking gamer accounts instead of draining bank accounts—researchers and law enforcement were ignoring them. Nixon began tracking them, suspecting that they would eventually direct their skills at more significant targets—an intuition that proved to be correct. And when they did, she had already amassed a wealth of information about them. 

She continued her DDoS research for two years until a turning point in 2013, when the cybersecurity journalist Brian Krebs, who made a career tracking cybercriminals, got swatted. 

About a dozen people from the security community worked with Krebs to expose the perpetrator, and Nixon was invited to help. Krebs sent her pieces of the puzzle to investigate, and eventually the group identified the culprit (though it would take two years for him to be arrested). When she was invited to dinner with Krebs and the other investigators, she realized she’d found her people.

“It was an amazing moment for me,” she says. “I was like, wow, there’s all these like-minded people that just want to help and are doing it just for the love of the game, basically.”

Staying one step ahead

It was porn stars who provided Nixon with her next big research focus—one that underscored her skill at spotting Com actors and criminal trends in their nascent stages, before they emerged as major threats.

In 2018, someone was hijacking the social media accounts of certain adult-film stars and using those accounts to blast out crypto scams to their large follower bases. Nixon couldn’t figure out how the hackers had hijacked the social media profiles, but she promised to help the actors regain access to their accounts if they agreed to show her the private messages the hackers had sent or received during the time they controlled them. These messages led her to a forum where members were talking about how they stole the accounts. The hackers had tricked some of these actors into disclosing the mobile phone numbers of others. Then they used a technique called SIM swapping to reset passwords for social media accounts belonging to those other stars, locking them out. 

In SIM swapping, fraudsters get a victim’s phone number assigned to a SIM card and phone they control, so that calls and messages intended for the victim go to them instead. This includes one-time security codes that sites text to account holders to verify themselves when accessing their account or changing its password. In some of the cases involving the porn stars, the hackers had manipulated telecom workers into making the SIM swaps for what they thought were legitimate reasons, and in other cases they bribed the workers to make the change. The hackers were then able to alter the password on the actors’ social media accounts, lock out the owners, and use the accounts to advertise their crypto scams. 

SIM swapping is a powerful technique that can be used to hijack and drain entire cryptocurrency and bank accounts, so Nixon was surprised to see the fraudsters using it for relatively unprofitable schemes. But SIM swapping had rarely been used for financial fraud at that point, and like the earlier hackers Nixon had seen on Hack Forums, the ones hijacking porn star accounts didn’t seem to grasp the power of the technique they were using. Nixon suspected that this would change and SIM swapping would soon become a major problem, so she shifted her research focus accordingly. It didn’t take long for the fraudsters to pivot as well.

Nixon’s skill at looking ahead in this way has served her throughout her career. On multiple occasions a hacker or hacking group would catch her attention—for using a novel hacking approach in some minor operation, for example—and she’d begin tracking their online posts and chats in the belief that they’d eventually do something significant with that skill. 

They usually did. When they later grabbed headlines with a showy or impactful operation, these hackers would seem to others to have emerged from nowhere, sending researchers and law enforcement scrambling to understand who they were. But Nixon would already have a dossier compiled on them and, in some cases, had unmasked their real identity as well. Lizard Squad was an example of this. The group burst into the headlines in 2014 and 2015 with a series of high-profile DDoS campaigns, but Nixon and colleagues at the job where she worked at the time had already been watching its members as individuals for a while. So the FBI sought their assistance in identifying them.

“The thing about these young hackers is that they … keep going until they get arrested, but it takes years for them to get arrested,” she says. “So a huge aspect of my career is just sitting on this information that has not been actioned [yet].”

It was during the Lizard Squad years that Nixon began developing tools to scrape and record hacker communications online, though it would be years before she began using these concepts to scrape the Com chatrooms and forums. These channels held a wealth of data that might not seem useful during the nascent stage of a hacker’s career but could prove critical later, when law enforcement got around to investigating them; yet the contents were always at risk of being deleted by Com members or getting taken down by law enforcement when it seized websites and chat channels.

Nixon’s work is unique because she engages with the actors in chat spaces to draw out information from them that “would not be otherwise normally available.”

Over several years, she scraped and preserved whatever chatrooms she was investigating. But it wasn’t until early 2020, when she joined Unit 221B, that she got the chance to scrape the Telegram and Discord channels of the Com. She pulled all of this data together into a searchable platform that other researchers and law enforcement could use. The company hired two former hackers to help build scraping tools and infrastructure for this work; the result is eWitness, a community-driven, invitation-­only platform. It was initially seeded only with data Nixon had collected after she arrived at Unit 221B, but has since been augmented with data that other users of the platform have scraped from Com social spaces as well, some of which doesn’t exist in public forums anymore.

Brogan, of the FBI, says it’s an incredibly valuable tool, made more so by Nixon’s own contributions. Other security firms scrape online criminal spaces as well, but they seldom share the content with outsiders, and Brogan says Nixon’s work is unique because she engages with the actors in chat spaces to draw out information from them that “would not be otherwise normally available.” 

The preservation project she started when she got to Unit 221B could not have been better timed, because it coincided with the pandemic, the surge in new Com membership, and the emergence of two disturbing Com offshoots, CVLT and 764. She was able to capture their chats as these groups first emerged; after law enforcement arrested leaders of the groups and took control of the servers where their chats were posted, this material went offline.

CVLT—pronounced “cult”—was reportedly founded around 2019 with a focus on sextortion and child sexual abuse material. 764 emerged from CVLT and was spearheaded by a 15-year-old in Texas named Bradley Cadenhead, who named it after the first digits of his zip code. Its focus was extremism and violence. 

In 2021, because of what she observed in these groups, Nixon turned her attention to sextortion among Com members.

The type of sextortion they engaged in has its roots in activity that began a decade ago as “fan signing.” Hackers would use the threat of doxxing to coerce someone, usually a young female, into writing the hacker’s handle on a piece of paper. The hacker would use a photo of it as an avatar on his online accounts—a kind of trophy. Eventually some began blackmailing victims into writing the hacker’s handle on their face, breasts, or genitals. With CVLT, this escalated even further; targets were blackmailed into carving a Com member’s name into their skin or engaging in sexually explicit acts while recording or livestreaming themselves.

During the pandemic a surprising number of SIM swappers crossed into child sexual abuse material and sadistic sextortion, according to Nixon. She hates tracking this gruesome activity, but she saw an opportunity to exploit it for good. She had long been frustrated at how leniently judges treated financial fraudsters because of their crimes’ seemingly nonviolent nature. But she saw a chance to get harsher sentences for them if she could tie them to their sextortion and began to focus on these crimes. 

At this point, Waifu still wasn’t on her radar. But that was about to change.

Endgame

Nixon landed in Waifu’s crosshairs after he and fellow members of the Com were involved in a large hack involving AT&T customer call records in April 2024.

Waifu’s group gained access to dozens of cloud accounts with Snowflake, a company that provides online data storage for customers. One of those customers had more than 50 billion call logs of AT&T wireless subscribers stored in its Snowflake account. 

They tried to re-extort the telecom, threatening on social media to leak the records. They tagged the FBI in the post. “It’s like they were begging to be investigated,” says Nixon.

Among the subscriber records were call logs for FBI agents who were AT&T customers. Nixon and other researchers believe the hackers may have been able to identify the phone numbers of agents through other means. Then they may have used a reverse-lookup program to identify the owners of phone numbers that the agents called or that called them and found Nixon’s number among them. This is when they began harassing her.

But then they got reckless. They allegedly extorted nearly $400,000 from AT&T in exchange for promising to delete the call records they’d stolen. Then they tried to re-extort the telecom, threatening on social media to leak the records they claimed to have deleted if it didn’t pay more. They tagged the FBI in the post.

“It’s like they were begging to be investigated,” says Nixon.

The Snowflake breaches and AT&T records theft were grabbing headlines at the time, but Nixon had no idea her number was in the stolen logs or that Waifu/Judische was a prime suspect in the breaches. So she was perplexed when he started taunting and threatening her online.

FRANZISKA BARCZYK

Over several weeks in May and June, a pattern developed. Waifu or one of his associates would post a threat against her and then post a message online inviting her to talk. She assumes now that they believed she was helping law enforcement investigate the Snowflake breaches and hoped to draw her into a dialogue to extract information from her about what authorities knew. But Nixon wasn’t helping the FBI investigate them yet. It was only after she began looking at Waifu for the threats that she became aware of his suspected role in the Snowflake hack.

It wasn’t the first time she had studied him, though. Waifu had come to her attention in 2019 when he bragged about framing another Com member for a hoax bomb threat and later talked about his involvement in SIM-swapping operations. He made an impression on her. He clearly had technical skills, but Nixon says he also often appeared immature, impulsive, and emotionally unstable, and he was desperate for attention in his interactions with other members. He bragged about not needing sleep and using Adderall to hack through the night. He was also a bit reckless about protecting personal details. He wrote in private chats to another researcher that he would never get caught because he was good at OPSEC, but he also told the researcher that he lived in Canada—which turned out to be true.

Nixon’s process for unmasking Waifu followed a general recipe she used to unmask Com members: She’d draw a large investigative circle around a target and all the personas that communicated with that person online, and then study their interactions to narrow the circle to the people with the most significant connections to the target. Some of the best leads came from a target’s enemies; she could glean a lot of information about their identity, personality, and activities from what the people they fought with online said about them.

“The enemies and the ex-girlfriends, generally speaking, are the best [for gathering intelligence on a suspect],” she says. “I love them.”

While she was doing this, Waifu and his group were reaching out to other security researchers, trying to glean information about Nixon and what she might be investigating. They also attempted to plant false clues with the researchers by dropping the names of other cybercriminals in Canada who could plausibly be Waifu. Nixon had never seen cybercriminals engage in counterintelligence tactics like this.

Amid this subterfuge and confusion, Nixon and another researcher working with her did a lot of consulting and cross-checking with other researchers about the clues they were gathering to ensure they had the right name before they gave it to the FBI.

By July she and the researcher were convinced they had their guy: Connor Riley Moucka, a 25-year-old high school dropout living with his grandfather in Ontario. On October 30, Royal Canadian Mounted Police converged on Moucka’s home and arrested him.

According to an affidavit filed in Canadian court, a plainclothes Canadian police officer visited Moucka’s house under some pretense on the afternoon of October 21, nine days before the arrest, to secretly capture a photo of him and compare it with an image US authorities had provided. The officer knocked and rang the bell; Moucka opened the door looking disheveled and told the visitor: “You woke me up, sir.” He told the officer his name was Alex; Moucka sometimes used the alias Alexander Antonin Moucka. Satisfied that the person who answered the door was the person the US was seeking, the officer left. Waifu’s online rants against Nixon escalated at this point, as did his attempts at misdirection. She believes the visit to his door spooked him.

Nixon won’t say exactly how they unmasked Moucka—only that he made a mistake.

“I don’t want to train these people in how to not get caught [by revealing his error],” she says.

The Canadian affidavit against Moucka reveals a number of other violent posts he’s alleged to have made online beyond the threats he made against her. Some involve musings about becoming a serial killer or mass-mailing sodium nitrate pills to Black people in Michigan and Ohio; in another, his online persona talks about obtaining firearms to “kill Canadians” and commit “suicide by cop.” 

Prosecutors, who list Moucka’s online aliases as including Waifu, Judische, and two more in the indictment, say he and others extorted at least $2.5 million from at least three victims whose data they stole from Snowflake accounts. Moucka has been charged with nearly two dozen counts, including conspiracy, unauthorized access to computers, extortion, and wire fraud. He has pleaded not guilty and was extradited to the US last July. His trial is scheduled for October this year, though hacking cases usually end in plea agreements rather than going to trial. 

It took months for authorities to arrest Moucka after Nixon and her colleague shared their findings with the authorities, but an alleged associate of his in the Snowflake conspiracy, a US Army soldier named Cameron John Wagenius (Kiberphant0m online), was arrested more quickly. 

On November 10, 2024, Nixon and her team found a mistake Wagenius made that helped identify him, and on December 20 he was arrested. Wagenius has already pleaded guilty to two charges around the sale or attempted sale of confidential phone records and will be sentenced this March.

These days Nixon continues to investigate sextortion among Com members. But she says that remaining members of Waifu’s group still taunt and threaten her.

“They are continuing to persist in their nonsense, and they are getting taken out one by one,” she says. “And I’m just going to keep doing that until there’s no one left on that side.” 

Kim Zetter is a journalist who covers cybersecurity and national security. She is the author of Countdown to Zero Day.